Monday, July 18, 2005

Wilson: Bush 'Ought to Keep His Word,' Fire Rove

ABC News
Wilson: Bush 'Ought to Keep His Word,' Fire Rove
Ambassador Joseph Wilson Speaks Out on Rove's Role in CIA Leak Case

- In an interview with ABC News' Jake Tapper, former Ambassador Joseph Wilson said President Bush "really ought to keep his word to the American people" and fire deputy White House Chief of Staff Karl Rove.

Wilson criticized the White House's response to the disclosure that Rove, a top-level Bush aide, had a role in the leak to a news reporter that Wilson's wife, Valerie Plame, was a CIA officer.

The following is a transcript of the interview:

JAKE TAPPER: Some might say, politically speaking, there's little upside in speaking out against the administration, because you're controversial and the White House is damaging itself. Why are you speaking out so much?

AMBASSADOR JOSEPH WILSON: At the end of the day, there's this smear campaign that they've launched is one that's very personal. It's a personal attack on my wife and myself. It is based on distortions and untruths. And I think it's important that the record be corrected. But let my just say that, by and large, this is not a political question. This is a national security question. It's a question of whether or not this country and this administration will tolerate somebody having leaked classified information to the press in a manner that is unethical and quite possibly illegal.

TAPPER: And you think that Karl Rove leaked your wife's identity to the press?

WILSON: What I've said all along is that I have information that, within a week of Mr. [Bob] Novak's article having appeared on July 14th of 2003, Mr. Rove was calling up reporters and pushing the story. I find the idea of a senior White House official engaged in political dirty tricks and smear campaigns to be below the ethical standards we have the right to demand of our senior public servants. With the release of this e-mail from Mr. Cooper, the Time magazine reporter, to his boss indicating that he had spoken to Mr. Rove about my wife several days before the Novak article appeared, I think there's real evidence there that he did in fact give away my wife's identity before Mr. Novak or any other article appeared.

TAPPER: Not specifically by name though, is what his defenders would say.

WILSON: I only have one wife and her name is Valerie Wilson so when he says "Wilson's wife" he's saying "Mrs. Wilson," and as I say, her name is Mrs. Wilson.

TAPPER: There are a lot of charges coming at you from the Republican Party in defense of Mr. Rove. One of them is that Karl Rove did not know what your wife's name was, so he couldn't have truly "identified" her.

WILSON: The Intelligence Identities Protection Act doesn't call for naming by name, it calls for identifying the individual. So when he said "Wilson's wife," he identified her. And her name, again, is Valerie Wilson.


TAPPER: But doesn't the Intelligence Identities Protection Act also call that he would have had to have known that she was undercover?

WILSON: That's something that the special council is obviously in the process of determining. Again, irrespective or whether or not what he said was criminal under in the context of the Intelligence Identities Protection Act, it's very clear that he knew from this e-mail that she worked for the CIA, and he knew that she was my wife, and he said "Wilson's wife," and her name is Valerie Wilson.

TAPPER: President Bush said that if anybody was found to have broken the law, they would be fired or dealt with. Do you think that phrasing was purposeful? The idea that he would say if they had broken the law as opposed to just if they had been involved in some sort of contribution to the leak?

WILSON: My understanding is last year he actually said that anybody who was involved in the leak would be fired and now we know that Karl Rove was involved in the leak. But I don't have the transcript of what he may have said or how they may be finessing it. The fact remains, however, that the president has indicated, in my judgment he indicated, that anybody involved in the leak would be fired. And the president who prides himself on being a man of his word really ought to keep his word to the American people and fire Karl Rove.

TAPPER: Well, I think his pledge actually was specifically if the law had been broken.

WILSON: I think we need to go back then and take a look at the transcripts from '04 because I think there's no ambiguity on that. That there are a number of instances where he was specifically asked the question "Would he be fired," and he said yes. And breaking the law was unincluded -- it was leaking the name.

TAPPER: The other thing the Republicans are putting out there is that Karl Rove wasn't leaking, he was trying to dissuade a reporter from writing an inaccurate story based on your op-ed.

WILSON: That's curious because, of course, my opinion piece said that the 16 words should never have been in the [president's 2003] State of the Union address. The day after my opinion piece appeared, the White House said that the 16 words shouldn't rise to the level of inclusion in the State of the Union address. In that e-mail, it says, "You should wait because George Tenet is going to say something." George Tenet did say something later in the week, and what he said was the 16 words should not have been in the State of the Union address. So it's hard to see how you make the argument that they were going to say something that was contradictory to the opinion piece I wrote. And indeed, they've never retracted the fact that the 16 words should never have been in the State of the Union address. If people remember, within a week, Stephen Hadley offered to resign because he had found in his files two faxes and a memorandum of a telephone conversation in which the director of Central Intelligence told him that he did not want the president to be a witness of fact on this case -- the uranium sales from Niger to Iraq -- because, he says, the evidence is weak and he believed that the British had exaggerated the case. That represented the view of the American Intelligence community.

TAPPER: In your op-ed, you state that, "it did not take long to conclude that it was highly doubtful that any such transaction had ever taken place." Is that your belief of how your report or your debriefs were received by the CIA?

WILSON: It certainly is my belief as to how they were received, and it's very clear that if you go back and look at the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Report, that the CIA on a number of occasions reported to both the Senate, that they didn't believe that there was substance to this, and to the White House that there was not substance to it. So I think that, in fact, my report was pretty clear. Mine, by the way, was one of three reports, all of which said the same thing. The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence's review of this quotes the U.S. Ambassador in Niger saying that the embassy view essentially was the same as mine on this.

TAPPER: But, as you know from reading this Senate Committee Intelligence report, conclusion 13 was that your conclusions from your trip were not received uniformly as shooting down the theory of a transaction.

WILSON: No, what the report actually says was inconclusive, which basically means that the case was not made that Niger had sent uranium to Iraq.

TAPPER: They said that some people in the CIA took your report as buttressing the argument.

WILSON: A couple of the analysts referred to a conversation that never took place related to uranium. If there was any ambiguity in the report on that particular matter, there was a case of the prime minister having met with an Iraqi businessman. The prime minister opining that, since they wanted to talk about a commercial relationship, perhaps they would want to talk about uranium. The subject of uranium never came up in the meeting and that was clear in my debriefing. However, if there was any ambiguity in the report as it was conveyed by the report's officer, they certainly had my phone number. They knew how to get a hold of me to clear up that, or any other question they might have had on the matter.

TAPPER: The White House has also been saying that you have falsely represented yourself either in your media appearances and perhaps, by implication, in your op-ed, as having gone to Niger at the behest of the vice president. What is your response to that?

WILSON: Actually it's in paragraph five of my opinion piece. Let me just read it: "In February 2002, I was informed by officials at the Central Intelligence Agency that Vice President Dick Cheney's office had questions about a particular intelligence report. While I never saw the report, I was told it referred to a memorandum agreement that documented the sale of Uranium yellowcake by Niger to Iraq in the late 60s." I was informed that Vice President Cheney's office had questions. I have said repeatedly that the vice president did not send me. The vice president has said that indeed he did ask the CIA briefer to follow up and find out what information they might have on this report. That is known in the business as a "tasker." The vice president says, "Anything on this?" The CIA briefer goes back to the CIA and says, "We have to provide an answer to the vice president."

TAPPER: So you never said that the vice- [interrupted]

WILSON: Of course not, of course not.

TAPPER: So why are the Republicans saying that? (2)

WILSON: The Republicans apparently have taken a part of a statement I made in a [CNN] Wolff Blitzer interview and they have cut out of the statement that they have released the full statement that I made. And I think if you go back to that statement, and there are transcripts available, you will see that, in fact, I made it very clear in that interview that it was not the vice president who said it. Or as they say, perhaps it's time to run the tape.

TAPPER: They also claim that you said the vice president and other senior White House officials were briefed on your report and dismissed it.

WILSON: In fact, I said that because it is my understanding from my 23 years' experience in government that the reports that are produced are distributed through senior levels of the government. The vice president is a member of the government, as far as I know. In fact, the vice president followed up on this matter on March 5 of 2002, and was told by the CIA briefer that there would be a report in a couple of days. That was my report. The vice president's office claims that the vice president never saw the report and never followed up on it.

TAPPER: But for you, this has now become a much larger ordeal.

WILSON: What we're really talking about is a cover-up, a cover-up of a web of lies that led to the justification for a war in Iraq, which war has resulted in 1,750 American deaths … think the president should fire Karl Rove as he had said he would do if in fact it was determined as he said he would do to any employee who was caught leaking.

TAPPER: What about the charge your wife picked you to go to Niger?

WILSON: The CIA has said she was not involved in my being chosen to go on that trip.

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Cooper Tells Russert About Rove, Libby, Other Sources

Editor and Publisher

Cooper Tells Russert About Rove, Libby, Other Sources

By Greg Mitchell

NEW YORKIn his first TV interview since testifying to the grand jury in the Plame case, Time magazine’s Matthew Cooper suggested to Tim Russert on NBC’s “Meet the Press” Sunday morning that he heard about Plame in July 2003 from more than just two administration officials, Karl Rove and “Scooter” Libby. He first said there "may have" been other sources, then confirmed that he had told the grand jury about them, indicating they did exist.

He would not identify them.

Cooper also told Russert that he first heard about Plame from Rove during their now famous interview, and that Rove said at the close of their conversation, “I’ve already said too much.” Cooper said he did not know what to make of that admission, but “I know it has stuck in my head for two years.”

He said that when Libby talked about Plame he “interpreted this as confirmation.”

Cooper has a cover story coming out Monday in Time on the case. In it, Cooper writes: "When [Rove] said things would be declassified soon, was that itself impermissible? I don't know. Is any of this a crime? Beats me.”

In that story he also indicates that he was impressed with the grand jury. The grand jury somewhat reflected the demographics of the District of Columbia. The majority were African-American women. He writes that one third of his 2 1/2 hours of testimony was spent answering their questions, not the prosecutor’s, although he posed them on their behalf.

Talking to Russert today, he said that he did not have many regrets, but he wished he’d been “more discreet in my emails.” His e-mail detailing his chat with Rove was turned over by Time Inc. to the prosecutor two weeks ago over his objections. Cooper affirmed that he still disagreed with that decision.


Asked what he thought of the significance of the case, Cooper said that sometimes he thought it was tremendously significant, and other times just “poltics as usual.”

Following Cooper on the show, Republican chairman Ken Mehlman called the criticism of Rove from Democrats and the press this week nothing but a “smear campaign” and “outrageous.” He claimed that the recent stories about Rove speaking to Robert Novak, who first outed Plame, did nothing but “exonerate” and “vindicate” him.

Russert then asked about an important element emerging, a form (known as SF 312) signed by those who, like Rove, have access to classified information. It says they must seek to determine if information they give out is not classified; they can’t just say later that they did not know one way or the other.

Mehlman replied that the Plame material may not have been classified, and anyway, Rove had heard it first from a journalist.

He added that the Democrats were pre-judging what the special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald, a Republican, will find and said he had complete confidence in Fitzgerald. He wondered if Democrats did not share that confidence.

When Russert then asked if he would promise not to criticize Fizgerald if he brings indictments of administration officials, Mehlman demurred, saying he did not want to speculate.

Former Clinton White House aide John Podesta, another guest, then called for Rove’s dismissal, saying that at the very least he had lied two years ago, and since, when he said he had no involvement in this case. He also suggested that Rove’s attorney had admitted today that perhaps his client possibly first heard about Plame from someone other than a journalist.

Greg Mitchell (gmitchell@editorandpublisher.com) is editor of E&P.

Find this article at:
http://www.editorandpublisher.com/eandp/news/article_display.jsp?vnu_content_id=1000980361

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London Bombers Have Ties to United States

ABC News
London Bombers Have Ties to United States
Phone Records Show Link to Suspected Terror Recruiter
By BRIAN ROSS

Jul. 15, 2005 - One of the bombers in last week's attacks made a direct phone call to a suspected recruiter for an extremist group in New York.

Authorities told ABC News that records show Mohammed Sidique Khan, the eldest of the bombers now believed to be the field commander of the attacks, had called a person who is associated with the Islamic Center, a mosque in Queens, N.Y. Yet, a member of that mosque claimed they had no knowledge of the phone call.

In addition to Khan, two other men linked to the London bombings also had direct ties with the United States.


"Whilst we are watching the ports and the airports trying to prevent people from coming in," said M.J. Gohel, a terrorism analyst at the Asia-Pacific Foundation, "al Qaeda and its global jihadi friends are a step ahead. They have already penetrated into the West and are recruiting Western born Muslims to join terrorism."

Lindsay Germaine, one of the four dead bombers and a Jamaican who left behind a pregnant wife, had recently traveled to see relatives in Ohio.

Furthermore, Magdy El Nashar, 33, who was captured last night at his family's home outside of Cairo and then questioned by British agents, studied at North Carolina State University. Police believe he helped the bombers build their explosive devices. Now they want to know if there are more bombs and would-be bombers.

"It is possible there will be more attempts," admitted Sir Ian Blair, commissioner of the Metropolitan Police. "It is our job to stop them in every way we possibly can. It is more likely now than it was before."

Police said El Nashar, who denied any involvement in the bombings, left England shortly after he rented the house in Leeds, where they discovered a so-called bomb factory. Neighbors in the Cairo suburb told ABC News he arrived there about 10 days before the bombings. They also said they had trouble believing El Nashar could have participated in the attacks.

Now the search continues for another man, whom police believe to be the al Qaeda mastermind of the plot. Authorities said he was on a secondary watch list and believe he crossed the channel by ferry last month in order to elude detection. Hours after the attacks, the man left again by ferry and is thought to be returning to Pakistan, where al Qaeda is known to have bases.

ABC News' Chris Isham, Jill Rackmill, Madeleine Sauer, Rhonda Schwartz, David Scott, Len Tepper, Richard Esposito and ABC News Consultant Alexis Debat contributed to this report.

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Sunday, July 17, 2005

The Mentor - A Timely Return





The Mentor - A Timely Return

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Bush's Brain





Bush's Brain

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National Security Leak





National Security Leak

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America's True Voice





America's True Voice

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Four Hoarse Men of The Apocolypse





Four Hoarse Men of The Apocolypse

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Freedom Tower





Freedom Tower

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Willy Wonka's Gone





Willy Wonka's Gone

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1970's Technology





1970's Technology

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One Crazed Individual





One Crazed Individual

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Follow the Uranium

The New York Times

Follow the Uranium
By FRANK RICH

"I am saying that if anyone was involved in that type of activity which I referred to, they would not be working here."
- Ron Ziegler, press secretary to Richard Nixon, defending the presidential aide Dwight Chapin on Oct. 18, 1972. Chapin was convicted in April 1974 of perjury in connection with his relationship to the political saboteur Donald Segretti.

"Any individual who works here at the White House has the confidence of the president. They wouldn't be working here at the White House if they didn't have the president's confidence."
- Scott McClellan, press secretary to George W. Bush, defending Karl Rove on Tuesday.

WELL, of course, Karl Rove did it. He may not have violated the Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982, with its high threshold of criminality for outing a covert agent, but there's no doubt he trashed Joseph Wilson and Valerie Plame. We know this not only because of Matt Cooper's e-mail, but also because of Mr. Rove's own history. Trashing is in his nature, and bad things happen, usually through under-the-radar whispers, to decent people (and their wives) who get in his way. In the 2000 South Carolina primary, John McCain's wife, Cindy, was rumored to be a drug addict (and Senator McCain was rumored to be mentally unstable). In the 1994 Texas governor's race, Ann Richards found herself rumored to be a lesbian. The implication that Mr. Wilson was a John Kerry-ish girlie man beholden to his wife for his meal ticket is of a thematic piece with previous mud splattered on Rove political adversaries. The difference is that this time Mr. Rove got caught.

Even so, we shouldn't get hung up on him - or on most of the other supposed leading figures in this scandal thus far. Not Matt Cooper or Judy Miller or the Wilsons or the bad guy everyone loves to hate, the former CNN star Robert Novak. This scandal is not about them in the end, any more than Watergate was about Dwight Chapin and Donald Segretti or Woodward and Bernstein. It is about the president of the United States. It is about a plot that was hatched at the top of the administration and in which everyone else, Mr. Rove included, are at most secondary players.

To see the main plot, you must sweep away the subplots, starting with the Cooper e-mail. It has been brandished as a smoking gun by Bush bashers and as exculpatory evidence by Bush backers (Mr. Rove, you see, was just trying to ensure that Time had its facts straight). But no one knows what this e-mail means unless it's set against the avalanche of other evidence, most of it secret, including what Mr. Rove said in three appearances before the grand jury. Therein lies the rub, or at least whatever case might be made for perjury.

Another bogus subplot, long popular on the left, has it that Patrick Fitzgerald, the special prosecutor, gave Mr. Novak a free pass out of ideological comradeship. But Mr. Fitzgerald, both young (44) and ambitious, has no record of Starr- or Ashcroft-style partisanship (his contempt for the press notwithstanding) or known proclivity for committing career suicide. What's most likely is that Mr. Novak, more of a common coward than the prince of darkness he fashions himself to be, found a way to spill some beans and avoid Judy Miller's fate. That the investigation has dragged on so long anyway is another indication of the expanded reach of the prosecutorial web.

Apparently this is finally beginning to dawn on Mr. Bush's fiercest defenders and on Mr. Bush himself. Hence, last week's erection of the stonewall manned by the almost poignantly clownish Mr. McClellan, who abruptly rendered inoperative his previous statements that any suspicions about Mr. Rove are "totally ridiculous." The morning after Mr. McClellan went mano a mano with his tormentors in the White House press room - "We've secretly replaced the White House press corps with actual reporters," observed Jon Stewart - the ardently pro-Bush New York Post ran only five paragraphs of a wire-service story on Page 12. That conspicuous burial of what was front-page news beyond Murdochland speaks loudly about the rising anxiety on the right. Since then, White House surrogates have been desperately babbling talking points attacking Joseph Wilson as a partisan and a liar.

These attacks, too, are red herrings. Let me reiterate: This case is not about Joseph Wilson. He is, in Alfred Hitchcock's parlance, a MacGuffin, which, to quote the Oxford English Dictionary, is "a particular event, object, factor, etc., initially presented as being of great significance to the story, but often having little actual importance for the plot as it develops." Mr. Wilson, his mission to Niger to check out Saddam's supposed attempts to secure uranium that might be used in nuclear weapons and even his wife's outing have as much to do with the real story here as Janet Leigh's theft of office cash has to do with the mayhem that ensues at the Bates Motel in "Psycho."

This case is about Iraq, not Niger. The real victims are the American people, not the Wilsons. The real culprit - the big enchilada, to borrow a 1973 John Ehrlichman phrase from the Nixon tapes - is not Mr. Rove but the gang that sent American sons and daughters to war on trumped-up grounds and in so doing diverted finite resources, human and otherwise, from fighting the terrorists who attacked us on 9/11. That's why the stakes are so high: this scandal is about the unmasking of an ill-conceived war, not the unmasking of a C.I.A. operative who posed for Vanity Fair.


So put aside Mr. Wilson's February 2002 trip to Africa. The plot that matters starts a month later, in March, and its omniscient author is Dick Cheney. It was Mr. Cheney (on CNN) who planted the idea that Saddam was "actively pursuing nuclear weapons at this time." The vice president went on to repeat this charge in May on "Meet the Press," in three speeches in August and on "Meet the Press" yet again in September. Along the way the frightening word "uranium" was thrown into the mix.

By September the president was bandying about the u-word too at the United Nations and elsewhere, speaking of how Saddam needed only a softball-size helping of uranium to wreak Armageddon on America. But hardly had Mr. Bush done so than, offstage, out of view of us civilian spectators, the whole premise of this propaganda campaign was being challenged by forces with more official weight than Joseph Wilson. In October, the National Intelligence Estimate, distributed to Congress as it deliberated authorizing war, included the State Department's caveat that "claims of Iraqi pursuit of natural uranium in Africa," made public in a British dossier, were "highly dubious." A C.I.A. assessment, sent to the White House that month, determined that "the evidence is weak" and "the Africa story is overblown."

AS if this weren't enough, a State Department intelligence analyst questioned the legitimacy of some mysterious documents that had surfaced in Italy that fall and were supposed proof of the Iraq-Niger uranium transaction. In fact, they were blatant forgeries. When Mohamed ElBaradei, the director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, said as much publicly in the days just before "shock and awe," his announcement made none of the three evening newscasts. The administration's apocalyptic uranium rhetoric, sprinkled with mushroom clouds, had been hammered incessantly for more than five months by then - not merely in the State of the Union address - and could not be dislodged. As scenarios go, this one was about as subtle as "Independence Day" and just as unstoppable a crowd-pleaser.

Once we were locked into the war, and no W.M.D.'s could be found, the original plot line was dropped with an alacrity that recalled the "Never mind!" with which Gilda Radner's Emily Litella used to end her misinformed Weekend Update commentaries on "Saturday Night Live." The administration began its dog-ate-my-homework cover-up, asserting that the various warning signs about the uranium claims were lost "in the bowels" of the bureaucracy or that it was all the C.I.A.'s fault or that it didn't matter anyway, because there were new, retroactive rationales to justify the war. But the administration knows how guilty it is. That's why it has so quickly trashed any insider who contradicts its story line about how we got to Iraq, starting with the former Treasury secretary Paul O'Neill and the former counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke.

Next to White House courtiers of their rank, Mr. Wilson is at most a Rosencrantz or Guildenstern. The brief against the administration's drumbeat for war would be just as damning if he'd never gone to Africa. But by overreacting in panic to his single Op-Ed piece of two years ago, the White House has opened a Pandora's box it can't slam shut. Seasoned audiences of presidential scandal know that there's only one certainty ahead: the timing of a Karl Rove resignation. As always in this genre, the knight takes the fall at exactly that moment when it's essential to protect the king.

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Homeland Security's Intelligence Gap

The New York Times

Homeland Security's Intelligence Gap
By CLARK KENT ERVIN

Washington

THE results of Secretary Michael Chertoff's top-to-bottom analysis of the Department of Homeland Security are in, and the reviews are following close behind. The critics fall, predictably, into two camps: those who think that the changes are merely cosmetic, essentially rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic; and those who think that they represent a first step in the right direction.

Because the edifice was constructed on a solid foundation, I count myself among the optimists. But one essential building block seems to be very much misplaced, which could delay the sharing of information about possible terrorist attacks with the potential targets themselves.

Mr. Chertoff is bringing a much-needed dose of strategic thinking to the monumental task of securing the homeland. Inarguably, he stresses that we cannot protect ourselves against every conceivable threat. Instead we should focus our resources on those threats that are likeliest to materialize and that would have the greatest consequences in terms of death, injury and economic loss.

The cornerstone of this sound strategic structure, however, is intelligence. Only if the relevant section of the department has complete and timely access to all available information concerning dangers to American targets can it distinguish between likely threats and unlikely ones.

To date, the department's intelligence group, called the Information Analysis Unit, has largely been on the outside of the intelligence community with its nose pressed against the glass. The multiagency federal entity that synthesizes all intelligence concerning threats into a coherent whole, the National Counterterrorism Center, is led by the Central Intelligence Agency. The Terrorist Screening Center, which consolidates the various terrorist watch lists compiled by federal agencies, is led by the F.B.I.

It was little surprise, then, that the presidential commission on American intelligence failures, headed by Judge Laurence H. Silberman and former Senator Charles S. Robb of Virginia, concluded that Homeland Security had difficulty getting answers to "hot questions" from the F.B.I. and the counterterrorism center. And now, with the creation of the office of director of national intelligence and the attendant reorganization of the entire community, Homeland Security has moved even further down the intelligence-community totem pole.


The one strength to date of the Information Analysis Unit has been its close structural ties to an even lesser-known division of the Homeland Security Department: the so-called Infrastructure Protection Unit. This division is in charge of preparing energy suppliers, financial networks, food producers, operators of computer systems and telecommunications networks, the transportation industry and other providers of services vital to our national security for possible terrorist attacks. This is a complicated job, not only because of the scale involved but also because 85 percent of the potential targets - from cellphone service towers to nuclear power plants - are not owned by the government but are in private hands.

Under the old system, intelligence gleaned by the information analysis group could be communicated in a timely fashion to the infrastructure unit so that protective measures could be taken quickly. The 9/11 attacks showed what can happen when this communication between intelligence and preparedness breaks down: our intelligence system was "blinking red" with information about a serious threat to aviation in the summer of 2001, and yet our airports, airlines and transportation agencies had not been sufficiently warned to take steps to protect themselves.

The good news is that Mr. Chertoff's reorganization will elevate the intelligence component of his department. The chief of the information unit will report directly to the secretary, and will have more power and responsibility for overseeing intelligence-related activities throughout the department. He will also work directly with the office of the director of national intelligence and with the information-gathering agencies in other departments to ensure that Homeland Security is more than a bit player in the intelligence community.

Unfortunately, under the new plan the intelligence unit will be decoupled from the infrastructure protection group, which will be folded into a larger group within Homeland Security exclusively focused on preparedness. The problem with this is that the preparedness unit needs to know what to prepare for. There's where intelligence comes in.

To put the issue in perspective, an attack on a single chemical plant in northern New Jersey could endanger the lives and health of millions. If the intelligence analysts who learn of a threatened attack are in the same part of the department as those whose job is to warn the plant's owners and advise them of how they should safeguard it, word can go out quickly and we can save lives and dollars. Now, apparently, there will be an organizational disconnect between intelligence and preparedness. What good is ringing the alarm bell if the intended victim can't hear it?

The Department of Homeland Security has been a frequent object of criticism, much of it deserved. Mr. Chertoff deserves credit for trying to give it a strategic direction. But if this plan creates a gap between those on the lookout for attacks and those responsible for preparing the potential targets, we will have made ourselves only more vulnerable to our enemies.

Clark Kent Ervin, inspector general of the Department of Homeland Security from 2003 to 2004, is director of the Homeland Security Initiative at the Aspen Institute.

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Unprepared for a Flu Pandemic

The New York Times

Unprepared for a Flu Pandemic

If a much-feared pandemic of avian influenza starts sweeping through the world's population anytime soon, neither the United States nor international health authorities will be prepared to cope with it. There is not enough vaccine or antiviral medicine available to protect more than a handful of people, and no industrial capacity to produce a lot more of these medicines quickly.

The best that can be hoped is that no pandemic will materialize for the next several years, allowing time to become better prepared, or that a potential pandemic can be spotted early enough to allow international health officials to snuff it out before the virus runs amok.


It has been 37 years since the last influenza pandemic, or widespread global epidemic, so by historic patterns we may be due for another. And a particularly ominous strain of avian influenza that has devastated poultry flocks in Asia seems poised to wreak havoc in humans. This strain, known as H5N1, first became a matter of health concern in 1997 when it was found to have jumped from birds to humans in Hong Kong in an outbreak that failed to spread widely. Since then, the virus has looked more and more threatening. It has infected poultry, domestic ducks and migratory birds in nine countries, making the virus almost impossible to contain. More ominously, the virus has developed the ability to jump to a range of mammals, including pigs, mice, tigers and domestic cats.

The human toll has been slight. Only 108 people have been infected, of whom 54 have died, an alarmingly high mortality rate but one that seems to be diminishing. It is reassuring that millions of people have lived and worked in close proximity to infected birds without harm and even more reassuring that the flu strain has not yet developed the ability to spread easily from one person to another, the sine qua non for a pandemic to take off. But that could change in a trice if the virus mutates or combines its genes with a human influenza virus.

No one knows whether the world is headed toward a health disaster or a false alarm, but virtually all experts agree we need to strengthen our defenses. American health authorities have taken the lead in testing vaccines against two strains of avian flu and have contracted to buy two million doses of a vaccine against H5N1. That is a tiny fraction of the amount that would be needed if a pandemic hit, but will give the manufacturer experience that would prove useful in a crisis. Officials have also stockpiled enough antiviral medicine to treat 2.3 million people, again a fraction of what would be needed in a pandemic.

Yet the best defense might be to go on the offensive. The most urgent need is to control the disease in poultry and other animals that might spread the virus to humans. Some countries have done a good job. Others, including Vietnam, which accounts for almost 80 percent of the human cases, need more prodding and international assistance. If the virus breaks through this line of attack, authorities should try to quench an incipient outbreak before it can really get started. The Bush administration is wisely pumping millions of dollars into an international effort to improve surveillance of the disease in humans and animals in the infected regions of Asia, and the World Health Organization has amassed a small stockpile of antiviral drugs that will soon be enlarged and could be rushed to the scene of any outbreak.

Many experts are doubtful that it would be possible to detect and contain an outbreak of transmissible influenza in time to head off a pandemic. But that may be the best hope we have until we are able to upgrade today's fragile and unreliable vaccine production system with new processes that can expand output quickly to meet a crisis.

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GOP scrambles to fill veterans' shortfall

USA TODAY

GOP scrambles to fill veterans' shortfall

WASHINGTON (AP) — Fellow Republicans warned House Speaker Dennis Hastert and Majority Leader Tom DeLay more than a year ago that the government would come up short — by at least $750 million — for veterans' health care. The leaders' response: Fire the messengers.

Now that the Bush administration has acknowledged a shortfall of at least $1.2 billion, embarrassed Republicans are scrambling to fill the gap. Meanwhile, Democrats portray the problem as another example of the GOP and the White House taking a shortsighted approach to the cost of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and criticize their commitment to the troops.

New Jersey Rep. Chris Smith, as chairman of the House Veterans' Affairs Committee, had told the House GOP leadership that the Veterans Affairs Department needed at least $2.5 billion more in its budget. The Senate passed a bill with that increase; the House's bill was $750 million short.

Smith and 30 other Republicans wrote to their leaders in March 2004 to make the point that lawmakers who were not the usual outspoken advocates for veterans were troubled by the move. Failure to come up with the additional $2.5 billion, they contended, could mean higher co-payments and "rationing of health care services, leading to long waiting times or other equally unacceptable reductions in services to veterans."

Still, the House ignored them.

Smith was rebuked by several Republicans for sounding the spending alarm, and House leaders yanked his chairmanship in January. Rep. Rob Simmons, R-Conn., lost his chairmanship of the VA health subcommittee, and Rep. Rick Renzi, R-Ariz., is no longer on the committee. They too had signed the letters to Hastert, R-Ill., and DeLay, R-Texas.


In an interview with The Associated Press, Smith refused to blame House leaders or discuss his firing.

"I'm not doing any of this 'I told you so' nonsense," he said. "Now that we're here, let's just get it right."

Ben Porritt, a spokesman for DeLay, said that a year ago "we didn't see any indication that there was going to be a shortfall." He said House leaders will "make sure that every veteran will receive the coverage they need."

Hastert's office did not respond to a request for comment.

The White House first told Congress that it could handle this year's shortage by shifting money from other programs. A chagrined Jim Nicholson, the VA secretary and former national Republican chairman, then acknowledged last month that his department still was $975 million short.

The House voted almost immediately to give it to him.

Last week, the Bush administration raised to $1.2 billion the amount it says is needed. Two days later, however, White House Budget Director Joshua Bolten told the House Budget Committee that the VA for the past three years has gotten more money than it needs for medical care.

About $250 million of the shortfall can be attributed to soldiers who have returned from Iraq and Afghanistan, the VA said. The agency had predicted 23,000 of those war veterans would need its services. The department now puts the number at 103,000.

"We know VA provides good care, so veterans increasingly are coming," Simmons said. "So, we cannot afford to be optimistic about low numbers. They just haven't worked out that way."

Some lawmakers say the shortfall is a product of the administration's scrimping on veterans' care to reduce the size of federal deficits.

"Most everybody is thoughtful of veterans, but it seems when comes it comes time to roll up your sleeves and look at the correct amount of money, it seems, sometimes, people don't want to roll up their sleeves and face it," said Rep. Walter Jones Jr., R-N.C.

The VA has come up short before.

In 2003, the agency wrote in the Federal Register that it had $21.6 billion for medical benefits but needed $23.5 billion, a $1.9 billion shortfall.

That preceded a decision by the department to stop enrolling veterans whose injuries or illnesses were not service-related and veterans who were not considered indigent.

About a month before the House Republicans warned Hastert and DeLay, then-Veterans Affairs Secretary Anthony Principi disclosed in a hearing that the White House's Office of Management and Budget had cut his budget request by $1.2 billion. It was a rare criticism from within the administration.

The White House's disdain for presidentially appointed officials who publicly waver from the administration's position was well-known. In 2002, the administration fired Mike Parker, the civilian head of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, after he complained to the Senate Budget Committee about the water projects Bush wanted to cut.

Principi survived his moment of candor, but he stepped down after Bush was re-elected. He now heads the Base Realignment and Closure Commission. He did not respond to requests for an interview on the VA medical care issue.

Bush repeatedly has proposed — and Congress has rejected just as often — making better-heeled veterans pay a $250 enrollment fee and increasing their $7 prescription drug co-payments.

Bush's budgets assumed the enrollments fees and higher medicine co-payments would save $232 million in 2005 and $440 million in 2006 even though it was clear Congress was not going to approve them. Congress also rejected the administration's plan to cut the VA's nursing home beds by 5,000 in 2005.

Nonetheless, the department put some of the blame for this year's shortfall in budgeting for only 8,500 beds rather than the 13,000 mandated by Congress. VA officials were unable to explain why fewer beds were budgeted.

Additionally, the administration assumes in the VA's budget that the agency will come up with $340 million in savings this year and $590 million in 2006 from what it describes as "management efficiencies." Those efficiencies have never been fully described to members of Congress.

Find this article at:
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2005-07-16-gop-vets_x.htm?csp=34

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Intelligence Center, Contractor MZM on Cozy Terms

washingtonpost.com
Intelligence Center, Contractor MZM on Cozy Terms

By Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writer

Two months after MZM Inc. was given its first order in October 2002 to perform services for the Army's National Ground Intelligence Center (NGIC), the company hired the son of the center's senior civilian official, Executive Director William S. Rich Jr., according to present and former intelligence center employees.

MZM's initial task was to perform a seven-week, $194,000 analysis of "FIRES," a computer program concept to collect blueprints of facilities worldwide to create an intelligence database, according to material provided by the Pentagon.

William Scott Rich III became involved in the FIRES program soon after he was hired in December 2002, and MZM received multimillion-dollar orders to continue work on FIRES and other programs.

The senior Rich "was not involved in matters concerning MZM's work at the NGIC except in the normal way of the executive director's responsibility to oversee all the programs run at the facility," according to a statement by Deborah Parker, chief of public affairs for the Army Intelligence and Security Command, which oversees the NGIC.

When the younger Rich was hired by MZM, "in line with joint ethics regulations, [Rich senior] was required to inform his superiors and recuse himself from dealing with the [MZM] company," Parker's statement said. Parker did not provide the date Rich recused himself.

The elder Rich was not the only NGIC senior manager with a relative at MZM. The wife of Robert Canar, until last month the center's longtime chief of staff, was employed as a secretary at MZM.


When the senior Rich resigned from the NGIC in September 2003, he joined MZM as a senior executive vice president for intelligence. "The circumstances of Mr. Rich's employment with MZM were thoroughly reviewed by Army officials," according to Parker, and "no evidence of impropriety was found."

The Ethics in Government Act barred Rich, as a senior manager, from having dealings with the NGIC for one year after his employment by MZM.

Over the past three years, Rich was joined at MZM by at least 15 former intelligence center colleagues -- analysts and administrative personnel hired, in some cases, to work on the same projects they dealt with as government employees, according to present and former NGIC staffers. "After contract awards, many people were hired away from NGIC at a higher salary, only to return to work on the same programs," according to one contract employee working at the NGIC who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to keep his job.

The Ethics in Government Act's standards differ for executives, managers and workers who leave government employment and take up the same work as a private contractor. But agency leaders once engaged in awarding contracts are barred from then seeking contracts from the same agency.

If a former intelligence center's employee recruited an ex-colleague on behalf of a private contractor such as MZM, the recruiter's status and rank would be factors in determining whether an ethics violation had occurred.

Neither the senior Rich nor his son have responded to telephone calls and e-mails from The Washington Post. MZM did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

The NGIC is a critical Army intelligence center with a staff of 900, three-quarters of whom are civilian scientists, engineers and intelligence analysts. The other one-quarter are active military.

Most NGIC employees work at a relatively new facility near Charlottesville, Va., where they produce the Army's primary intelligence analyses of foreign armies, their force structures and capabilities. Others conduct scientific and technical studies on foreign weapons and technologies.

The NGIC, which is facing an inquiry by the director of national intelligence for its prewar mistakes in analyzing Iraq's weapons programs, has been drawn into the federal investigations of MZM, according to Army and Justice Department spokesmen.

The NGIC was criticized in March by the Silberman-Robb presidential commission for "gross failure" in its analysis of Iraqi arms. The commission said the center was "completely wrong" when it found in September 2002 that the aluminum tubes Iraq was purchasing were "highly unlikely" to be used for rocket motor cases.

That inaccurate finding bolstered a CIA contention that the tubes were meant for nuclear centrifuges and were evidence that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was reconstituting a nuclear weapons program. Two NGIC analysts who produced the inaccurate finding have received annual performance awards each year since 2002. Officials said the bonuses were for their overall activities.

Gen. Michael V. Hayden, the deputy director of national intelligence, told reporters June 29 that his office would conduct its own inquiry into the Silberman-Robb finding.

When Parker, the center spokeswoman, was asked last week about Rich, his son and NGIC personnel going to work for MZM or MZM employees working at the NGIC, she said in a statement that "due to the ongoing investigation on MZM, we must refer all questions concerning MZM, its employees and activities" to the Justice Department.

The MZM investigation is being carried out by the FBI, the Defense Criminal Investigative Service, the Internal Revenue Service and the U.S. attorney's offices in the District of Columbia and San Diego, according to one law enforcement official. That official would not say where the intelligence center may fit in.

The agency also is in managerial turmoil. Earlier this month, Rich's replacement as NGIC executive director, H. Allan Boyd, decided to return to Iowa, citing personal economic problems after less than a year in the job. Former chief of staff Canar has been reassigned to handle personnel and facilities issues relating to base realignment and closure issues. Col. Dalton Jones, the NGIC's military commander, having put in the traditional two-year tour, was replaced on June 30 by Col. John Chiu. Because the center's executive directorate is a Senior Executive Service post, whoever succeeds Boyd will outrank Chiu.

The federal investigations involving the NGIC and MZM are part of an inquiry that began last month into the relationship between the company's founder, Mitchell J. Wade, and Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-Calif.). California newspapers reported last month that Wade bought Cunningham's home near San Diego in 2003 for what appears to be $700,000 more than it was worth, and that Cunningham lived rent-free for more than a year on Wade's 42-foot yacht while in Washington.

Wade has stepped down, and the company is considering options, including a sale.

The Pentagon three weeks ago cut off new work on MZM's main contract, under which the NGIC work was performed, saying it no longer was considered competitively awarded. MZM over the past three years has done more than $160 million in defense contracting work.

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Image of bombers' deadly journey

BBC NEWS

Image of bombers' deadly journey




The bombers: Hasib Hussain, Germaine Lindsay (dark cap), Mohammad Sidique Khan (light cap) and Shehzad Tanweer


Police have released a CCTV image of the four London bombers as they set out from Luton on their bombing mission.

They have also confirmed the names of all four men for the first time.

Mohammad Sidique Khan, 30, Germaine Lindsay, 19, Hasib Hussain, 18, and Shehzad Tanweer, 22, were pictured in Luton at 0720 BST on Thursday 7 July.

Three bombs exploded on the London underground at 0850 BST, and one on a bus at 0947. Fifty-five people died, including the four bombers.

The picture was released in an attempt to find out more about their final movements.

Peter Clarke, head of the Anti-Terrorist Branch, said: "The investigation continues on many fronts, but we have been very grateful for the contribution made by the public in response to our previous appeals.

"However we still need to find out more about these four men and their movements, both on the morning of the bombings, and in the days and weeks beforehand."

It is thought Hussain was responsible for the bus bombing, in which 13 people died, Khan the Edgware Road blast that killed six people; Tanweer for the Aldgate blast, which killed six, and Lindsay for the Russell Square explosion where 26 people were killed.


In other developments:

* Ten addresses in West Yorkshire and one in Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, have been searched. Seven of the 10 West Yorkshire searches are still ongoing.
* Police have extra time to question a man, arrested on 12 July on suspicion of the commission, instigation or preparation of acts of terrorism, and held at a central London police station
* Police have taken more than 800 witness statements and received 3,500 calls to the anti-terrorist hotline
* The wreckage of the bombed number 30 bus has been moved from Tavistock Square in central London for further forensic examination

Earlier, Tony Blair said it was time to stand up to the "evil ideology" behind the London bombings and other attacks.

He said such violence was not a response to any particular policy or injustice, but was a "fanaticism" that had to be confronted.

The prime minister told Labour party members it would be a "misunderstanding of a catastrophic order" to think extremists would act differently if the developed world changed its behaviour.

'Iraq link'

"If it is the plight of the Palestinians that drives them, why, every time it looks as if Israel and Palestine are making progress, does the same ideology perpetrate an outrage that turns hope back into despair?

"If it is Afghanistan that motivates them, why blow up innocent Afghans on their way to their first-ever election?


LONDON BOMBERS
Germaine Lindsay (above): Jamaican-born man living in Buckinghamshire. Believed to have carried out King's Cross attack.
Mohammad Sidique Khan : Aged 30, from Beeston, Leeds, recently moved to Dewsbury, married with baby. ID found at Edgware Road blast site.
Hasib Mir Hussain : Aged 18, lived Holbeck, Leeds. Reported missing on day of bombings. Said to have turned very religious two years ago. ID found in No 30 bus.
Shehzad Tanweer : Aged 22, born Bradford, lived Beeston, Leeds. Studied religion in Pakistan. Forensic evidence linking him to Aldgate blast.

"If it is Iraq that motivates them, why is the same ideology killing Iraqis by terror in defiance of an elected Iraqi government?

"What was 11 September 2001 the reprisal for?"

But some Labour left-wingers saw a link between the Iraq war and the attacks.

John McDonnell, Labour MP for Hayes and Harlington, said it was "intellectually unsustainable" to say the war in Iraq had not motivated the bombers.

"For as long as Britain remains in occupation of Iraq the terrorist recruiters will have the argument they seek to attract more susceptible young recruits. Britain must withdraw now."

Labour ex-minister Clare Short, who resigned over the Iraq war, told GMTV's Sunday programme she "had no doubt" the atrocities were linked to Iraq.

"We are implicit in the slaughter of large numbers of civilians in Iraq and supporting a Middle East policy that for the Palestinians creates this sense of double standards - that feeds anger," she said.

The families of Khan, Hussain and Lindsay have all issued statements expressing their shock and sadness at events.

"Our thoughts are with all the bereaved families and we have to live ourselves with the loss of our son in these difficult circumstances," Hussain's family said.

Khan's family said: "We are devastated our son may have been brainwashed into carrying out such an atrocity."

Tanweer's uncle said the family had been "left shattered" by news of his involvement.

Arrest 'groundless'

British police are now searching for those who may have helped the bombers carry out the attacks.

One house being searched in Leeds is linked to Egyptian biochemist Magdi Mahmoud al-Nashar, 33, who was arrested in Cairo as part of the inquiry into the bombings. He has denied any involvement.

Egypt's interior minister said press reports linking Mr al-Nashar to al-Qaeda were "groundless" and based on a hasty conclusion.

Other properties being searched are the Holbeck home of Hussain, the Dewsbury home of Khan, and the Beeston home of Tanweer. The property searched in Aylesbury was where Lindsay lived.

On Saturday police sealed off and searched a house in Tempest Road, Beeston, Leeds, not far from where Tanweer lived.

On Friday Britain's top Muslims issued a joint statement of condemnation branding the London bombings "utterly criminal, totally reprehensible, and absolutely un-Islamic".

But Britain's highest ranking Asian police officer, Tarique Ghaffur, said Muslims and their leaders must do more than condemn the bombings.

Mr Ghaffur, the Metropolitan Police Assistant Commissioner, urged members of the community to inform on potential terrorists and their supporters.

The police would have to engage better with minorities - but minorities must take the first step, he said.

Police are urging anyone with information that could help their investigation to call the confidential Anti-Terrorist Hotline on 0800 789 321.

Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/uk_news/politics/4689739.stm

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National Guard troubles concern governors

USA TODAY

National Guard troubles concern governors

DES MOINES (AP) — The nation's governors voiced sharp worries Saturday for the National Guard troops they share with the federal government, with concerns about recruitment targets, benefits and job prospects.

Ark. Gov. Mike Huckabee, incoming chairman of the National Governors Association, said more attention must be paid to the needs of Guardsmen returning from overseas deployments, especially younger Guard members who need to find work.

More than 30 governors gathered here for their summer meeting.

Both Democrats and Republicans said changes caused by the huge demands placed on the Guard and Reserves for the war in Iraq need more examination.


"It is working today," said South Dakota Gov. Mike Rounds, a Republican.

However, troops returning from the war zone may be affected by objections raised by their spouses and parent, Rounds said. "The second time around, will they be allowed to re-enlist? That's the question," he said.

The governors are scheduled to meet privately Monday with top officials of the Guard, the Veterans Administration and the Homeland Security Department.

There has been an easing of worries among governors that the overseas demands would leave states without the National Guard members needed to respond to state emergencies, said Virginia Gov. Mark Warner, a Democrat. Guard officials have offered assurances they would limit call-ups, he said.

Bigger questions remain, he said. "I don't feel we've had the full deliberations about what the role of the Guard will be," said Warner, who has been exploring a possible presidential bid.

States often rely on their Air and Army Guard units to help in emergencies such as hurricanes, earthquakes or riots. The part-time soldiers are not often brought under federal control for missions such as those in Afghanistan and Iraq.

"You haven't seen these kinds of participation from the states since the Civil War," Idaho's GOP Gov. Dirk Kempthorne said.

More than 250,000 National Guard soldiers and airmen have been mobilized for active duty since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Lt. Gen. Steven Blum, the Army general in charge of National Guard forces, said last week.

National Guard soldiers represent about 40% of the U.S. ground force in Iraq. That is scheduled to drop significantly next year when the Army deploys two newly expanded active-duty divisions — the 101st Airborne and the 4th Infantry.

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Saturday, July 16, 2005

Rove's Troubles Put Bush in Tight Spot

Wall Street Journal

Rove's Troubles Put Bush in Tight Spot

If President's 'Architect' Stays, Second-Term Blueprint Could Be Harder to Realize

By JOHN D. MCKINNON
Staff Reporter
July 15, 2005; Page A4

Fourteen years ago, it fell to George W. Bush to inform a top White House aide that he had to go. Now, the question is, could he eventually have to do it again?

Then, the aide in question was John Sununu, chief of staff to the current president's father, under fire for his brusque style and questionable use of government-paid transportation.

Today, it is Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove, a lightning rod for his brass-knuckled effectiveness and for a discussion with a reporter about a Central Intelligence Agency operative's identity.

What would make a repeat performance even tougher for Mr. Bush is that his reliance on Mr. Rove far exceeds that of his father's on Mr. Sununu. As a result, only extreme political jeopardy is likely to force Mr. Bush to dismiss the longtime adviser he calls "the Architect" of his success.

A decision by prosecutor Patrick J. Fitzgerald to charge Mr. Rove, either with illegally leaking Valerie Plame's name or with perjury over his grand-jury testimony, would force the president's hand. Mr. Rove's attorney, Robert Luskin, says Mr. Rove "has done nothing wrong.


"We're confident that he will not become a target after the special prosecutor has reviewed all evidence," the lawyer says. If Mr. Luskin is right, Mr. Bush's calculations would turn on the extent to which Mr. Rove was a distraction from administration goals, and how much the strategist's effectiveness has been damaged.

Some longtime Bush watchers think the outlines of serious damage are clear in the contradiction between Mr. Rove's conversation with Time reporter Matt Cooper about Ms. Plame's employment and earlier White House assurances that he wasn't involved. What is more, Mr. Bush has previously pledged to fire anyone culpable in the leak.

If Mr. Fitzgerald concludes the leak wasn't a crime, "technically this may get him off the hook," says George Edwards, a political scientist at Texas A&M's Bush School of Government and Public Service, named for the current president's father. "But everyone will know that W is playing with the truth if he keeps Rove on the staff."

For Mr. Bush and his party, the furor comes at an especially vulnerable time. Battling predictions of lame-duck status, the second-term president has seen his poll ratings decline amid difficulties in the Iraq war and his drive to overhaul Social Security.

In that environment, sustained media attention to the integrity and discretion of Bush aides on a national-security matter represents an unwelcome distraction at minimum. The longer the probe drags on -- the grand jury is empaneled until October -- the harder it gets for Mr. Bush to accomplish items on his agenda, with the media and Democrats focusing so much attention on Mr. Rove. Last evening in the Senate, they pressed -- unsuccessfully -- for an amendment that would remove security clearances from any federal employee who discloses classified information, including the identity of a covert CIA agent.

In effect, Mr. Rove, who has been largely responsible for Mr. Bush's triumphs, now could become the undoing of Mr. Bush's second-term agenda, unless he can find a way to put the story to rest. "The architect of this historic two-term presidency...may now be the only one that can get the White House out of this political free fall," observes Scott Reed, once Bob Dole's presidential campaign manager.

Others say the story remains an inside-the-Beltway tempest that hasn't broken into the consciousness of average voters -- and isn't likely to. "Most Americans are far more concerned about their summer vacations," says Republican pollster Greg Strimple.

The Republican National Committee has moved aggressively in recent days to cast Mr. Rove's problems as a function of Democratic attacks, hoping that Americans' rising disdain for partisan infighting will cause them to tune out the controversy. Still, the increased visibility Mr. Rove has enjoyed in Mr. Bush's second term makes it harder for the White House to divert the spotlight.
[political peril]

Mr. Rove's elevation to deputy chief of staff after November's election formalized his role in policy as well as politics -- and this made him a higher-profile target. Not bashful on center stage, Mr. Rove in recent weeks charged that liberals sought to offer "therapy and understanding" to terrorists after the Sept. 11 attacks, while conservatives prepared for war. Enraged by such jibes, Democrats say they sense in Mr. Rove's troubles a way to magnify public doubts about the administration stemming from the unsubstantiated prewar statements about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.

The administration has settled into a strategy of not commenting on questions relating to Mr. Rove or the Plame affair, citing the continuing grand-jury investigation. That has led to brutal probing of White House press secretary Scott McClellan in his daily news briefings, and incessant coverage of the matter in newspapers, on cable TV networks and on the Internet.

So far, congressional Republicans accustomed to taking direction from Mr. Rove have refrained from public complaints about Mr. Rove's situation. But as they cope with their own plummeting poll ratings after months of infighting with Democrats, some have refrained from offering strong defenses of the White House strategist, either.

The political storm presents a very personal test for President Bush. He displays loyalty to friends, just like his father, who endured Mr. Sununu's troubles for weeks before finally cashiering the chief of staff with his son's help.

Unlike his father, the younger Mr. Bush is known for acute political instincts. Those twin characteristics have produced shifting public displays this week.

With Mr. Rove sitting behind him at a White House photo opportunity on Wednesday, the president declined to utter words of support in the middle of what he called "a serious investigation." Yesterday, however, Mr. Bush sent a different, silent signal. With television cameras trained on both men, the president ambled across the White House lawn with his longtime adviser at his side.

Write to John D. McKinnon at john.mckinnon@wsj.com

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Rove leak is just part of larger scandal

The Christian Science Monitor - csmonitor.com

Rove leak is just part of larger scandal
By Daniel Schorr

WASHINGTON - Let me remind you that the underlying issue in the Karl Rove controversy is not a leak, but a war and how America was misled into that war.

In 2002 President Bush, having decided to invade Iraq, was casting about for a casus belli. The weapons of mass destruction theme was not yielding very much until a dubious Italian intelligence report, based partly on forged documents (it later turned out), provided reason to speculate that Iraq might be trying to buy so-called yellowcake uranium from the African country of Niger. It did not seem to matter that the CIA advised that the Italian information was "fragmentary and lacked detail."

Prodded by Vice President Dick Cheney and in the hope of getting more conclusive information, the CIA sent Joseph Wilson, an old Africa hand, to Niger to investigate. Mr. Wilson spent eight days talking to everyone in Niger possibly involved and came back to report no sign of an Iraqi bid for uranium and, anyway, Niger's uranium was committed to other countries for many years to come.

No news is bad news for an administration gearing up for war. Ignoring Wilson's report, Cheney talked on TV about Iraq's nuclear potential. And the president himself, in his 2003 State of the Union address no less, pronounced: "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa."

Wilson declined to maintain a discreet silence. He told various people that the president was at least mistaken, at most telling an untruth. Finally Wilson directly challenged the administration with a July 6, 2003 New York Times op-ed headlined, "What I didn't find in Africa," and making clear his belief that the president deliberately manipulated intelligence in order to justify an invasion.


One can imagine the fury in the White House. We now know from the e-mail traffic of Time's correspondent Matt Cooper that five days after the op-ed appeared, he advised his bureau chief of a supersecret conversation with Karl Rove who alerted him to the fact that Wilson's wife worked for the CIA and may have recommended him for the Niger assignment. Three days later, Bob Novak's column appeared giving Wilson's wife's name, Valerie Plame, and the fact she was an undercover CIA officer. Mr. Novak has yet to say, in public, whether Mr. Rove was his source. Enough is known to surmise that the leaks of Rove, or others deputized by him, amounted to retaliation against someone who had the temerity to challenge the president of the United States when he was striving to find some plausible reason for invading Iraq.

The role of Rove and associates added up to a small incident in a very large scandal - the effort to delude America into thinking it faced a threat dire enough to justify a war.

• Daniel Schorr is the senior news analyst at National Public Radio.

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11 U.S. Troops Charged With Abuse in Iraq

Yahoo! News
11 U.S. Troops Charged With Abuse in Iraq

By SAMEER N. YACOUB, Associated Press Writer

Eleven U.S. soldiers have been charged with assaulting detainees in Iraq, the military said Saturday, while three British soldiers were killed by a roadside bomb in a rare attack in the relatively stable southern part of the country.

Also Saturday, suicide attackers killed at least nine Iraqi forces in separate attacks in Baghdad and just south of Mosul as insurgents kept up their campaign against the nation's U.S.-trained security force.

Iraqi police also arrested a would-be suicide bomber in the capital before he could detonate an explosive belt among a crowd mourning the victims of an attack earlier this week that killed 27 people, mostly children, an official said. It was the second thwarted attack this week.

The U.S. military said in a statement that the charges against the 11 troops, who served in the Baghdad area but were not otherwise identified, were filed Wednesday after another soldier complained about the alleged assaults.


"None of the insurgents required medical treatment for injuries related to the alleged assault," the statement added. "Only one of the suspected terrorists remains in custody of coalition forces at this time."

The soldiers had been assigned to the Army's Task Force Baghdad but were taken off-duty pending the investigation, the military said, adding that the Army's Criminal Investigation Division would determine whether they should face trial by court-martial.

"Allegations of illegal activities will always be thoroughly investigated," said Lt. Col. Clifford Kent, a Task Force Baghdad spokesman.

U.S. commanders have been especially sensitive about alleged mistreatment of detainees since the abuse of inmates at Abu Ghraib prison resulted in a major scandal involving America's handling of prisoners both here and in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

The attack against the British occurred as the troops were on patrol about 2:30 a.m. in the city of Amarah in Maysan province, 180 miles southeast of Baghdad. Three British troops were killed and two wounded, according to Britain's Ministry of Defense.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair, a staunch U.S. ally, expressed his condolences for the dead soldiers.

"The bravery of our armed forces was yet again underlined as they help Iraq and its people towards the democracy they so desperately want," Blair said Saturday.

The fatalities brought to 92 the number of British servicemen who have died since the Iraq war started in March 2003. Britain has about 8,500-troops in the country, mostly based in the largely Shiite south, where support for the Shiite-led government in Baghdad is stronger.

British losses have been far fewer than those suffered by the larger U.S. force, which is bearing the brunt of the fight against Sunni Arab insurgents in northern, western and central Iraq. At least 1,763 members of the U.S. military have died since the war started.

In other violence Saturday, a suicide attacker detonated an explosive belt inside a police station 10 miles south of the northern city of Mosul, killing six policemen and wounding 20 others, Brig. Gen. Saeed Ahmed said.

A suicide car bomber also struck an Iraqi police patrol in the Baghdad subdivision of Dora, killing three commandos and wounding five civilians, hospital and police officials said.

Elsewhere in the capital, a suicide car bomber struck near a U.S. military convoy in the southeast of the city, setting a Humvee ablaze, police Lt. Col. Hassan Salloub said. No U.S. casualties were reported.

The attacks came a day after a wave of suicide car bombs and explosions targeting U.S. and Iraqi security forces rocked the capital, killing at least 33 people and wounding at least 111, including seven American soldiers.

One of the bombings hit after sundown on a bridge over the Tigris River near the home of President Jalal Talabani. Four security guards were killed and nine people were wounded in that attack. Talabani was at home at the time, aides said, but the target may have been a U.S. convoy.

Al-Qaida's wing in Iraq claimed responsibility in Internet statements for several of the attacks, but the authenticity could not be confirmed.

The would-be bomber arrested Saturday in Baghdad said he was Libyan, according to police Lt. Mohammed Jassim.

Jassim said police grew suspicious of the man, stopped him and discovered the explosives belt.

On Thursday, Iraqi and U.S. forces captured another suicide bomber before he could detonate his explosives belt as part of coordinated assaults just 150 feet from the Green Zone, the site of the U.S. Embassy and major Iraqi government offices.

A car bomb exploded successfully. But one pedestrian bomber was killed after an Iraqi policeman shot him, setting off his explosive vest. Five policemen and four civilians were wounded by the blasts and gunfire.

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State Dept. Memo Gets Scrutiny in Leak Inquiry on C.I.A. Officer

The New York Times

State Dept. Memo Gets Scrutiny in Leak Inquiry on C.I.A. Officer
By RICHARD STEVENSON

This article was reported by Douglas Jehl, David Johnston and Richard W. Stevenson and was written by Mr. Stevenson.

WASHINGTON, July 15 - Prosecutors in the C.I.A. leak case have shown intense interest in a 2003 State Department memorandum that explained how a former diplomat came to be dispatched on an intelligence-gathering mission and the role of his wife, a C.I.A. officer, in the trip, people who have been officially briefed on the case said.

Investigators in the case have been trying to learn whether officials at the White House and elsewhere in the administration learned of the C.I.A. officer's identity from the memorandum. They are seeking to determine if any officials then passed the name along to journalists and if officials were truthful in testifying about whether they had read the memo, the people who have been briefed said, asking not to be named because the special prosecutor heading the investigation had requested that no one discuss the case.

The memorandum was sent to Colin L. Powell, then the secretary of state, just before or as he traveled with President Bush and other senior officials to Africa starting on July 7, 2003, when the White House was scrambling to defend itself from a blast of criticism a few days earlier from the former diplomat, Joseph C. Wilson IV, current and former government officials said.

Mr. Powell was seen walking around Air Force One during the trip with the memorandum in hand, said a person involved in the case who also requested anonymity because of the prosecutor's admonitions about talking about the investigation.

Investigators are also trying to determine whether the gist of the information in the document, including the name of the C.I.A. officer, Valerie Wilson, Mr. Wilson's wife, had been provided to the White House even earlier, said another person who has been involved in the case. Investigators have been looking at whether the State Department provided the information to the White House before July 6, 2003, when Mr. Wilson publicly criticized the way the administration used intelligence to justify the war in Iraq, the person said.

The prosecutors have shown the memorandum to witnesses at the grand jury investigating how the C.I.A. officer's name was disclosed to journalists, blowing her cover as a covert operative and possibly violating federal law, people briefed on the case said. The prosecutors appear to be investigating how widely the document circulated within the administration, and whether it might have been the original source of information for whoever provided the identity of Ms. Wilson to Robert D. Novak, the syndicated columnist who first disclosed it in print.


On Thursday, a person who has been officially briefed on the matter said that Karl Rove, President Bush's senior adviser, had spoken about Ms. Wilson with Mr. Novak before Mr. Novak published a column on July 14, 2003, identifying the C.I.A. officer by her maiden name, Valerie Plame. Mr. Rove, the person said, told Mr. Novak he had heard much the same information, making him one of two sources Mr. Novak cited for his information.

But the person said Mr. Rove first heard from Mr. Novak the name of Mr. Wilson's wife and her precise role in the C.I.A.'s decision to send her husband to Africa to investigate a report, later discredited, that Saddam Hussein was trying to acquire nuclear material there.

It is not clear who Mr. Novak's original source was, or whether Mr. Novak has revealed the source's identity to the grand jury.

Mr. Rove also held a conversation about Mr. Wilson's mission to Africa with Matthew Cooper, a reporter for Time magazine, on July 11, 2003, two days after he discussed the case with Mr. Novak. In an e-mail message to his bureau chief provided to the grand jury by Time Inc., Mr. Cooper said Mr. Rove had alluded to Mr. Wilson's wife as a C.I.A. employee, though, in Mr. Cooper's account, Mr. Rove did not use her name or mention her status as a covert operative.

After his conversation with Mr. Cooper, The Associated Press reported Friday, Mr. Rove sent an e-mail message to Stephen J. Hadley, then the deputy national security adviser, saying he "didn't take the bait" when Mr. Cooper suggested that Mr. Wilson's criticisms had been damaging to the administration.

Mr. Rove told the grand jury in the case that the e-mail message was consistent with his assertion that he had not intended to divulge Ms. Wilson's identity but instead intended to rebut Mr. Wilson's criticisms of the administration's use of intelligence about Iraq, The A.P. reported, citing legal professionals familiar with Mr. Rove's testimony. Dozens of White House and administration officials have testified to the grand jury, and several officials have been called back for further questioning.

The special prosecutor, Patrick J. Fitzgerald, has sought to determine how much Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesman at the time of the leak, knew about the memorandum. Lawyers involved in the case said Mr. Fitzgerald asked questions about Mr. Fleischer's role. Mr. Fleischer was with Mr. Bush and much of the senior White House staff in Africa when Mr. Powell, who was also with them, received the memorandum. A spokeswoman for Mr. Powell said he was out of the country and could not comment on the document. Mr. Fleischer said in an e-mail message this week that he would not comment on the case.

Mr. Fitzgerald has also looked into any role that I. Lewis Libby, Vice President Dick Cheney's chief of staff, may have played. Lawyers in the case have said their clients have been asked about Mr. Libby's conversations in the days after Mr. Wilson's article - in part based on Mr. Libby's hand-written notes, which he turned over to the prosecutor.

In addition, several journalists have been asked about their conversations with Mr. Libby. At least one, Tim Russert of NBC News, has suggested that prosecutors wanted to know whether he had told Mr. Libby of Ms. Wilson's identity. After Mr. Russert met with Mr. Fitzgerald, NBC said that he did not provide the information to Mr. Libby.

The existence of the State Department memorandum has been previously reported by news organizations including The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek and The Daily News. But new details of how it came about and how it circulated within the administration could offer clues into who knew what and when.

The memorandum was dated June 10, 2003, nearly four weeks before Mr. Wilson wrote an Op-Ed article for The New York Times in which he recounted his mission and accused the administration of twisting intelligence to exaggerate the threat from Iraq. The memorandum was written for Marc Grossman, then the under secretary of state for political affairs, and it referred explicitly to Valerie Wilson as Mr. Wilson's wife, according to a government official who reread the document on Friday.

When Mr. Wilson's Op-Ed article appeared on July 6, 2003, a Sunday, Richard L. Armitage, then deputy secretary of state, called Carl W. Ford Jr., the assistant secretary for intelligence and research, at home, a former State Department official said. Mr. Armitage asked Mr. Ford to send a copy of the memorandum to Mr. Powell, who was preparing to leave for Africa with Mr. Bush, the former official said. Mr. Ford sent it to the White House for transmission to Mr. Powell.

It is not clear who asked for the memorandum, but in the weeks before it was written, there were several accounts in newspapers about an unnamed former diplomat's trip to Africa seeking intelligence about Iraq's nuclear program. On May 6, 2003, Nicholas D. Kristof, a columnist for The Times, wrote of a "former U.S. ambassador to Africa" who had reported to the C.I.A. and the State Department that reports of Iraq seeking to acquire uranium in Niger were "unequivocally wrong."

The memorandum was prepared at the State Department, relying on notes by an analyst who was involved in meetings in early 2002 to discuss whether to send someone to Africa to investigate allegations that Iraq was pursuing uranium purchases. The C.I.A. was asked by Mr. Cheney's office and the State and Defense Departments to look into the reports.

According to a July 9, 2004, Senate Intelligence Committee report, the notes described a Feb. 19, 2002, meeting at C.I.A. headquarters on whether Mr. Wilson should go to Niger.

The notes, which did not identify Ms. Wilson or her husband by name, said the meeting was "apparently convened by" the wife of a former ambassador "who had the idea to dispatch" him to Niger because of his contacts in the region. Mr. Wilson had been ambassador to Gabon.

The Intelligence Committee report said the former ambassador's wife had a different account of her role, saying she introduced him and left after about three minutes.

The information in the State Department memorandum generally tracked the information Mr. Novak laid out for Mr. Rove in their conversation, according to the account of their exchange provided by the person briefed on what Mr. Rove has told investigators.

But it appears to differ in at least one way, raising questions about whether it was the original source of the material that ultimately made its way to Mr. Novak. In his July 14, 2003, column, Mr. Novak referred to Ms. Wilson as Valerie Plame. The State Department memorandum referred to her as Valerie Wilson, according to the government official who reread it on Friday.

David E. Sanger and Scott Shane contributed reporting for this article.

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Pentagon faulted on U.S. industrial security

Reuters

Pentagon faulted on U.S. industrial security

By Jim Wolf

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States should do more to prevent unauthorized foreign access to secret information through defense contractors, congressional investigators said in a report issued on Friday.

The Defense Security Service (DSS) "does not systematically ask for, collect or analyze data in a manner that helps it properly oversee contractors entrusted with U.S. classified information," the Government Accountability Office (GAO) said.

The DSS is meant to keep tabs on contractors for the Defense Department and 23 other federal departments. It was set up to make sure that contractors safeguard classified information in their possession while doing work for the U.S. government.

It oversees more than 11,000 facilities run by U.S. contractors and cleared for classified information to develop and produce military technologies such as those used in warplanes and spy satellites.

Among these are a growing number of contractors under foreign ownership, control or influence.

In such cases, a foreign interest has the potential to sway operations in a way that could compromise U.S. secrets or affect performance on classified contracts, said the GAO report, which was requested by the Senate Armed Services Committee.


The Pentagon, in a response to the report, brushed off the criticism of the DSS.

"The report demonstrates a lack of understanding of the national policy governing access to classified information by our contractor population and the evaluation process used by DSS," Carol Haave, deputy undersecretary of defense for counterintelligence and security, wrote.

U.S. policy is to allow foreign investments in U.S. contractors as long as they are not known to threaten U.S. national-security interests. Such programs as Lockheed Martin Corp.'s next-generation $200 billion-plus F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, the biggest warplane project ever, hinge on complex multi-nation cooperation and co-financing.

The GAO said DSS does not know if contractors are reporting foreign business transactions as they occur.

Unless DSS improves its collection, analysis and other skills, it "will continue to operate without knowing how effective its oversight is at reducing the risk of foreign interests gaining unauthorized access," GAO said.

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Friday, July 15, 2005

Senate moving to protect gun industry

Reuters

Senate moving to protect gun industry

By Joanne Kenen

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The gun industry is likely to win sweeping protection against civil liability lawsuits in the U.S. Senate this month, reflecting a more firearm-friendly Senate after the 2004 elections, lawmakers said on Thursday.

Last year the Republicans killed their own bill, meant to shield gunmakers, gun distributors and gun sellers against many liability suits, after gun opponents attached amendments to it, including an extension of the 1994 ban on assault rifles.

But the November elections left a bigger Republican majority and the Senate is now a more conservative and more pro-gun rights body. Several Democrats, particularly from rural states, also back the immunity measure.

Idaho Republican Sen. Larry Craig, lead backer of the legal protections bill, said he was confident it would win Senate approval with few if any unpalatable amendments. A vote is likely in the next two weeks.

Even if mostly Democratic gun control advocates do manage to attach some amendments, Craig said the strategy this time would not be to dump the bill but remove anything objectionable in conference with the House (of Representatives).

"We hope we can defeat amendments and keep the bill clean," Craig said in a brief interview.

The liability bill is anathema to gun control groups. They said it wipes out legal rights of victims of gun violence, including police injured in the line of duty or families harmed by attacks like those of the Washington-area sniper in 2002.

The bill is a top priority for the National Rifle Association, the main U.S. gun rights lobby, which says it is needed to protect firearms manufacturers, distributors and sellers from politically motivated and frivolous lawsuits.


GUN-BAN ADVOCATES

"Unfortunately, as long as gun-ban advocates are able to burden firearm manufacturers with the costs of defending themselves in court, the entire gun industry is at risk of being eradicated," the NRA said on its Web site.

NRA spokesman Andrew Arulanandam said claims that the bill weakens law enforcement is a "red herring." He called it a "narrowly worded" bill to protect law-abiding businesses.

But the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence says this year's bill goes even further than last year's by making it harder for regulators to move against rogue dealers.

Brady center president Michael Barnes said that even in a "tougher political environment" the group hopes to rally opposition to the liability bill and attach amendments, including one to require background checks at gun shows.

"We'd like to close loopholes that would allow criminals and terrorists to buy weapons without background checks," Barnes said, adding, "It's hard to believe that we wouldn't be able to muster a majority now" given the fears of terrorism.

California Democrat Sen. Dianne Feinstein, a co-author of the 1994 assault weapons ban that Congress allowed to expire last year, said she would still try to amend the liability bill, but in more modest ways than last year.

For instance, instead of trying to reinstate the assault weapons ban, she said she would try to limit sales of powerful 50 caliber weapons so that they could only be sold through federally licensed dealers, not at gun shows.

Feinstein said she was realistic about what she could hope to achieve in the current Senate. The Senate Republican majority gained four seats, and some of the new Democrats are also opposed to tightening gun controls.

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Senators say legislation needed for Guantanamo

Reuters

Senators say legislation needed for Guantanamo

By Vicki Allen

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Congress should pass legislation defining the legal status of enemy combatants at Guantanamo Bay to avoid more damage to the United States' image abroad and reprisals against U.S. soldiers, senators said on Thursday.

But the Pentagon said existing laws allow the indefinite detention of people the United States has deemed enemies in the war on terrorism, and that legislation could be too restrictive and was not needed.

"The truth is due to no one's fault Guantanamo Bay is a legal mess," Sen. Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican, said at a Senate Armed Services subcommittee hearing.

With the Pentagon under fire for the treatment of detainees at Guantanamo, Graham is working on legislation with fellow Republicans John Warner of Virginia, the Armed Services Committee chairman, and John McCain of Arizona to clarify the legal standing of people the administration calls "enemy combatants" who can be held indefinitely.

Human rights groups and a number of European countries have said that term has no standing under international law, and the detainees should have the rights of prisoners of war.

Guantanamo, opened after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States, has become a lightening rod for criticism with accusation that the mostly Muslim detainees from the U.S.-led offensive in Afghanistan have been tortured and humiliated.


The Pentagon contends detainees have not been tortured, although it found a key prisoner was subjected to "abusive and degrading" treatment when U.S. interrogators told him he was a homosexual, forced him to wear a bra, made him wear a leash and perform dog tricks, and subjected him to interrogations up to 20 hours a day for about two months.

There are about 520 detainees at Guantanamo from more than 40 countries being held because they are deemed dangerous or to extract information from them on the al Qaeda network blamed for the Sept. 11 attacks. Many have been held for more than three years. Only four have been charged and none prosecuted.

Senators said harsh interrogation practices and the refusal to grant prisoner of war status to detainees could backfire when U.S. soldiers are captured.

"Our troops are looking at us to see whether we're going to adopt a standard that if they were captured would be acceptable," said Sen. Carl Levin of Michigan, the committee's top Democrat.

Warner defended Guantanamo's current operations "as the best they can do under a framework of laws that is either not clear or needs to be refined."

Graham pressed a panel of Pentagon legal officials on whether a law passed by Congress clarifying the status of enemy combatants would speed up the legal dispute that has blocked prosecutions of detainees.

Daniel Dell'Orto, the Pentagon's principal deputy general counsel, said the litigation would continue with or without legislation. "I don't know that that's a panacea for any problem we have right now," he said.

The U.S. Supreme Court in June 2004 ruled that detainees had the right to go to federal courts to seek their release from Guantanamo, but there have been sometimes contradictory lower court rulings since then.

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Senate defeats more mass transit security funds

Reuters
Senate defeats more mass transit security funds

By Richard Cowan

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Senate on Thursday approved $31 billion for airport, border and other domestic security next year after defeating efforts to significantly increase protection for American mass transit systems in the wake of last week's London bombings.

The Senate voted 96-1 for the bill that will fund the Department of Homeland Security, the agency created after the Sept. 11 attacks, for the fiscal year starting Oct. 1.

The Bush administration has expressed concern that the legislation would cut $257 million from President Bush's request for airport security, resulting in the layoff of about 6,000 screeners.

But Senate appropriators said the United States needs to increase funds for screening and checkpoint technologies while reducing the number of human screeners.

Also, senators from small and rural states defeated a move backed by the White House that would have targeted more security funds on high-risk states, such as New York and California.

The Senate must now reconcile its bill with a House-passed version before sending it to Bush for his signature.

While 53 of the Senate's 100 members backed the move to spend an additional $1.2 billion next year to shore up security for the nation's subways and buses, supporters needed 60 votes to prevail because the additional money would have exceeded the Senate's self-imposed spending caps.


The Senate legislation in its current form would spend $100 million for mass transit security next year.

Republican Sen. Judd Gregg of New Hampshire questioned the effectiveness of such a huge spending increase, saying it "would probably not impact dramatically the security situation." As chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, Gregg has been working closely with the White House to keep a lid on domestic spending.

The debate over protecting mass transit came during a four-day Senate debate on $30.8 billion for the fiscal year starting Oct. 1 for the Department of Homeland Security.

A week ago, bombs exploded in London's subway tunnels and on a city bus, killing at least 52 people and injuring around 700.

"In the wake of the tragic attack in London last week, and attacks in Madrid, Moscow and South Korea, we know all too well that transit systems are targets for terrorists," said Sen. Paul Sarbanes, a Maryland Democrat who pushed for the added money.

Sarbanes and other supporters complained that American mass transit systems, which move an estimated 14 million commuters every weekday, were being left behind as the federal government rushed to make air travel safe. Sarbanes said that since the Sept. 11 attacks, the Bush administration has spent $18 billion on aviation security and only $250 million to protect transit systems, "which carry 16 times more passengers daily."

"We've been spending pennies as far as transit security," said Sen. Richard Shelby, an Alabama Republican who led the fight for more mass transit security.

The $1.2 billion would have been spent to install surveillance cameras in subways, put bomb-sniffing dogs in train stations and on railcars, hire more security personnel for all mass transit and install more bomb detection devices.

Gregg repeatedly argued that senators, in doling out security money for next year, had to focus on what some experts say are the biggest threats to domestic security: the possible detonation of a weapon of mass destruction and attackers infiltrating porous American borders.

Sen. Charles Schumer, a New York Democrat, said he was "aghast" that Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff recently argued that localities mostly had to bear the brunt of protecting their mass transit systems since hijacked airliners have proven to be a much bigger threat to domestic security.

Schumer said that if Chertoff continued to express such views, "I'm not sure he should continue as secretary."

Senators also defeated a move to add security funds for intercity passenger and freight trains. Even a modest amendment by Gregg to add $100 million in mass transit funding failed as it would have taken some funds from local "first responders," such as police and firefighters.

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