Tuesday, December 07, 2004

Soldiers sue over extended enlistments

MSNBC.com

Soldiers sue over extended enlistments
‘Question of fairness’ cited by eight who have been held over
The Associated Press
Updated: 7:39 p.m. ET Dec. 6, 2004

WASHINGTON - An Army specialist, saying it was “a question of fairness,” filed a lawsuit Monday with seven other soldiers challenging a policy forcing them to serve in Iraq beyond their terms of enlistment.

“I served five months past my one-year obligation and I feel that it’s time to let me go back to my wife,” David Qualls told a news conference.

Qualls and seven other reserve members filed a suit in federal court seeking a judge’s order to require the Army to immediately release them from service.

Other soldiers have filed similar suits over the past year, but this was believed to be the first by active duty service members.

Under the Pentagon’s “stop-loss” program, the Army can extend enlistments during war or national emergencies as a way to promote continuity and cohesiveness.

The policy, invoked in June, could keep tens of thousands of personnel in the military beyond their expected departure. The policy was also used during the buildup to the 1991 Gulf War.

Qualls signed up in July 2003 for a one-year stint in the Arkansas National Guard but has been told he will remain on active duty in Iraq until next year.

The lawsuit contends the policy is a breach of the service contract because it extends the length of service without a soldier’s consent. It also alleges the contracts were misleading because they make no reference to the policy, said Staughton Lynd, an attorney for the soldiers.

Lt. Col. Bryan Hilferty, an Army spokesman, said he could not respond to the lawsuit because the Pentagon had not yet reviewed the filing, but he defended the policy as necessary to maintain cohesive units in the war on terror.

“The alternative is people start leaving that unit in the middle of a tour,” he said.

Qualls, the only plaintiff who is publicly identified, is home on leave. The other seven, listed as John Does to protect their privacy, are now serving in Iraq or are in Kuwait en route to Iraq, Lynd said.

Qualls and two other plaintiffs enlisted under one-year “Try One” contracts that have expired. Four others are serving under multiyear contracts that also have run out. The remaining soldier’s contract doesn’t expire until spring, but he has been told to expect to serve in Iraq beyond the expiration date.

The lawsuit names Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and other Army officials.

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Counter-Inaugural 2005

from counter-inaugural.org

Counter-Inaugural 2005
Bush Isn't Going Away and Neither Are We!

We cannot wait another 4 years to stand against the war and rampant social injustice of another Bush Administration. A coalition of social, political, and religious activists have come together to protest the coronation of George W. Bush. We invite you and all your friends and family to join hundreds of thousands in the streets of Washington, DC.

On November 2nd and 3rd as the votes were being counted residents of Washington DC took to the streets to show opposition to an inherently corrupt system, no matter who won the presidential election. Now the inauguration looms on the horizon and in DC where 91% voters rejected Bush energy is high to organize visible resistance to another 4 years of Bush through linking the national and even global struggle against the Bush regime to our local struggle for democracy here in the District. Come out and help shape this resistance!

Join us for a week of action January 15-Janurary 20, 2005. We're here to help plug you in to all the action. Details at http://www.counter-inaugural.org

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Rally demands speedy Ohio recount

toledoblade.com

Rally demands speedy Ohio recount
Blackwell urged to certify official votes

By JAMES DREW
BLADE COLUMBUS BUREAU CHIEF

COLUMBUS - An attorney representing the Green and Libertarian parties urged Ohio's chief elections officer yesterday to allow a recount to be finished before the electoral college meets Dec. 13.

"Those people have not been chosen until the recount process has been completed," said John Bonifaz, founder and general counsel of the National Voting Rights Institute in Boston.

Mr. Bonifaz charged that Republican Secretary of State Ken Blackwell, associate chairman of President Bush's re-election campaign in Ohio, has "actively engaged in thwarting the recount law" by delaying certification of the official statewide results until tomorrow.

The official results will show that Mr. Bush defeated Democrat John Kerry on Nov. 2 by about 119,000 votes to win the 20 electoral votes and another four-year term, according to an analysis of county board of elections results by The Associated Press. Kerry campaign attorneys have said they do not believe a recount will overturn the outcome, but support one to ensure that every vote is counted.

Ohio law requires candidates to file recount requests with the 88 county boards of election within five days after the secretary of state certifies the official results. David Cobb and Michael Badnarik, presidential candidates respectively of the Green and Libertarian parties, say they will do so, but they have failed in federal court to speed up the schedule.

Mr. Bonifaz said the Secretary of State's Office plans on Tuesday to send certificates to the presidential electors, who will meet at the Statehouse to vote on Dec. 13, the date set by the U.S. Constitution, said Carlo LoParo, spokesman for the secretary of state's office. Tuesday is when the secretary of state must inform the U.S. Senate of Ohio's electors, Mr. LoParo said.

"Mr. Blackwell is doing everything he can to push through a slate of electors based on an untested initial county of the vote. He must be stopped," Mr. Bonifaz told 500 people at a rally organized by a coalition of liberal activist groups. A recount is expected to take 5 to 11 days and probably won't be finished before Dec. 13, Mr. LoParo said.

"Two federal courts have informed Mr. Cobb and Mr. Badnarik that the Electoral College will meet on the 13th and they will not be harmed by the Electoral College because they have no chance of overcoming President Bush's lead. Collectively they received 0.26 percent of the overall statewide vote," he said.

The accusation that Mr. Blackwell has delayed certification is "absurd," Mr. LoParo said.

If a recount shows a Kerry win, a different set of electors would vote, Mr. Bonifaz said. "If that happens, the United States Congress will receive the votes of two competing sets of electors from the state of Ohio when it convenes on Jan. 6 to formally receive the Electoral College vote," he said.

originally published December 5, 2004

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Letter to Blackwell

From Keith Olberman
msnbc.com

NEW YORK - It’s not exactly Zola’s “J’Accuse.” In fact it seems to have been written entirely in Congressionalese.

But anybody seeking the proverbial laundry list of all the complaints, questions, and oddities of Election Night in Ohio is referred to the fifteen-page letter sent Thursday to Ohio’s Secretary of State Kenneth Blackwell, over the signatures of twelve of the fifteen Democratic members of the House Judiciary Committee.

The document is so calm as to almost neuter the implications of the 34 specific questions John Conyers and his associates pose. It was not composed by a political firebrand. It does not invoke the Cuyahoga County “super voting” precinct numbers, since explained as amateurish accounting rather than political perfidy. Curiously, it does echo John Kerry’s ambiguous on-line statement. “We are sure you agree with us that regardless of the outcome of the election…”

More importantly, it starts where our own investigations of Ohio began, with the lockdown in Warren County as the votes were tallied there. The Judiciary members ask three questions that, in importance, actually transcend the election itself. They want to know if Blackwell has investigated the barring of reporters during the vote count, if Blackwell has identified the FBI agent who allegedly (and despite FBI denials) warned the county of a terrorist threat, and, most pointedly: “If County officials were not advised of terrorist activity by an FBI agent, have you inquired as to why they misrepresented this fact? If the lockdown was not as a response to a terrorist threat, why did it take place? Did any manipulation of vote tallies occur?”

Blackwell needs to answer these questions. He needs to answer them even if his answers aren’t very convincing. Twelve Congressmen from the losing side of a presidential election do not a Warren Commission make (forgive the coincidental historical analogy). The likelihood they’ll even get anything going inside the Judiciary Committee is negligible.

But posterity is a stern taskmaster. At the time, the election disaster of 1876 was wrapped up nicely, with Rutherford Hayes taking the oath early in 1877, and Samuel Tilden slipping into the backwaters of history. But ask any American of any political stripe about 1876, and if they paid attention in one Social Studies class in High School, they’re likely to tell you that was the year the presidency was stolen. A comprehensive study of the machinations that permitted the seating of a man who won neither the popular nor the electoral vote - and the awful consequences for the South of the resulting enabling compromise - was published as recently as last year (Roy Morris’s Fraud Of The Century).

It is neither wild speculation nor partisan sour grapes to suggest that unless Blackwell promptly answers the 34 questions raised in the Democrats’ letter, the 2004 election will meet a similar historical fate. With the exponential growth in the rapidity of research, the issue, unless settled now by thorough and transparent investigation, could trickle gradually into the collective public consciousness - and far sooner than did the Hayes/Tilden fiasco. It should be assumed that even if the day-to-day chroniclers of such things in the media find Ohio’s vote too complicated, or too unlikely to alter the outcome, investigators and historians will populate the bookshelves of the nation with scathing analyses, even dismissals, of the 2004 vote - probably even before the nation again goes to the polls.

Logic must suggest to the more sober of the Republicans that this needs to be addressed now. A party trumpeting the already-exaggerated claims that its vote majority owes largely to the “Moral Values” issues has got to be aware of the potential for long-term damage that continuing a stonewall answer to those 34 questions (and others) can wreak. I only have to look away from this screen for a second, to my small collection of political campaign buttons, to underscore the wisdom of this warning. One of mine reads “The ‘I’ in Nixon stands for integrity.”

originally published December 5, 2004

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Monday, December 06, 2004

Major Speech Wednesday by Governor Dean

From: Tom McMahon
Executive Director
Democracy for America

Governor Dean will lay out a vision for the future of the Democratic Party this Wednesday at 12 p.m. Eastern in Washington, D.C.

He will outline not just a direction for the Democratic Party, but a concrete destination: a party built from the ground up.

That means a party powered by millions of small donors, not millionaires. It means a party that speaks plainly and commits to concrete outcomes that affect real people. And it means a party that competes in every single race, for every single vote, in all fifty states.

You can watch live video of the speech on Wednesday at 12 p.m. Eastern at the Democracy for America web site:

www.democracyforamerica.com

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New Risks for Salmon

The New York Times
December 6, 2004

New Risks for Salmon

The Bush administration has dropped any pretense of providing serious long-term protection for endangered salmon species in the Pacific Northwest. Last Tuesday, the administration proposed to roll back restrictions on commercial development across millions of acres in California north to the Canadian border that had been designated four years ago as "critical habitat" essential to salmon recovery. The next day, the administration ruled out demolishing four dams on the lower Snake River - even as a last resort to save the fish.

Both announcements represented departures from the Clinton's administration's more robust approach to salmon recovery. Both also reflected the degree to which the administration is prepared to contort science and common sense to slide out from under its obligations under the Endangered Species Act to ensure long-term recovery of the fish instead of merely slowing their rate of decline.

Earlier this year, for instance, the administration proposed to count millions of hatchery-raised fish as wild fish - a bit of mathematical casuistry that would instantly make wild populations seem healthier than they are, undercut the need to keep wild salmon on the endangered species list and give the green light to federal agencies to drop protections against logging, homebuilding and other forms of commercial development.

But this was nowhere near as preposterous as its argument, in the dam ruling last week, that the dams were immutable parts of the landscape, like a mountain, and thus beyond the reach of the Endangered Species Act and "beyond the present discretion" of the government to remove them.

The administration offers endless justifications for its proposals, chiefly the insupportable claim that both dam removal and habitat protection would exact an unacceptable economic price. It also promises mitigating measures, including technological fixes to help the fish over and around the dams, and more "focused" habitat protection, albeit in a much smaller area than the fish's historical range. But clearly the administration's heart isn't in it. The underlying message here is that commercial interests come first, salmon second, even if history suggests that the two can comfortably coexist.

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Talk About Scrooge

The New York Times
December 6, 2004

Talk About Scrooge

In November, wages grew a whopping 1 cent an hour. But that was clawed back by a six-minute decline in the average workweek, producing a $1.25 drop in weekly earnings. Coming on the heels of a sluggish start to the holiday shopping season, the Labor Department's latest employment report, released Friday, doesn't presage a particularly merry Christmas or happy New Year for millions of working Americans.

In what is becoming a dismally predictable occurrence, the economy produced far fewer jobs than expected last month - 112,000 new slots versus an expectation of 200,000 - for the worst new-job total since last July, which was widely characterized as an economic "soft patch." Moreover, job growth in October and September was not as good as once believed. Those monthly numbers, disappointing on their own, reinforce what is now an unmistakable pattern in which the economy grows at a decent pace and corporate profits surge, while wages lag inflation and job creation barely keeps pace with the growth in the labor market.

We know how we got here. Tax cuts were misdirected at investment rather than consumption, resulting in an economic recovery weaker than it might have been. The budget deficit portends higher interest rates and a weaker dollar, both of which impair business confidence and, in turn, inhibit hiring. And then there's the lack of affirmative policy on jobs, such as a targeted credit that would make hiring more attractive or, at the least, an increase in the minimum wage to help the working poor and put money in the economy, fueling consumption that is critical for job growth.

Persistent subpar job creation might cause some leaders to question their policies. Yet, more high-end tax cuts and higher deficits are the template for President Bush's second term. And flush with a victory, the president is unlikely to undertake any policy reversals. It will be up to Congress to break out of its lockstep with Mr. Bush and take steps to address the real problems of constituents, rather than the intransigent aspirations of the administration.

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Eight Soldiers Plan to Sue Over Army’s Stop-Loss Policy

The New York Times
December 6, 2004

Eight Soldiers Plan to Sue Over Army’s Stop-Loss Policy
By MONICA DAVEY

MORRILTON, Ark., Dec. 3 - The eight soldiers come from places scattered across the country, from this small town an hour northwest of Little Rock to cities in Arizona, New Jersey and New York. In Iraq and Kuwait, where they all work now, most of them hold different jobs in different units, miles apart. Most have never met.

But the eight share a bond of anger: each says he has been prevented from coming home for good by an Army policy that has barred thousands of soldiers from leaving Iraq this year even though the terms of enlistment they signed up for have run out. And each of these eight soldiers has separately taken the extraordinary step of seeking legal help, through late-night Internet searches and e-mail inquiries from their camps in the conflict zone, or through rounds of phone calls by an equally frustrated wife or mother back home.

With legal support from the Center for Constitutional Rights, a liberal-leaning public interest group, lawyers for the eight men say they will file a lawsuit on Monday in federal court in Washington challenging the Army policy known as stop-loss.

Last spring, the Army instituted the policy for all troops headed to Iraq and Afghanistan, called it a way to promote continuity within deployed units and to avoid bringing new soldiers in to fill gaps left in units by those who would otherwise have gone home when their enlistments ran out. If a soldier's unit is still in Iraq or Afghanistan, that soldier cannot leave even when his or her enlistment time runs out.

Since then, a handful of National Guardsmen who received orders to report for duty in California and Oregon have taken the policy to court, but the newest lawsuit is the first such challenge by a group of soldiers. And these soldiers are already overseas - transporting supplies, working radio communications and handling military contracts, somewhere in the desert.

"You should know I'm not against the war," said David W. Qualls, one of the plaintiffs and a former full-time soldier who signed up in July 2003 for a one-year stint in the Arkansas National Guard but now expects to be in Iraq until next year.

"This just isn't about that. This is a matter of fairness. My job was to go over and perform my duties under the contract I signed. But my year is up and it's been up. Now I believe that they should honor their end of the contract." Some military experts described the soldiers' challenge as both surprising and telling, given the tenor of military life, where soldiers are trained throughout their careers to follow their commanders' orders.

These soldiers' public objections are only the latest signs of rising tension within the ranks. In October, members of an Army Reserve unit refused a mission, saying it was too dangerous. And in recent months, some members of the Individual Ready Reserve, many of whom say they thought they had finished their military careers, have objected to being called back to war and requested exemptions.

Mr. Qualls, 35, who says he sometimes speaks his mind even to his superiors, is the only one among the eight whose real name will appear on the lawsuit against the Army's military leaders. The rest, who fear retribution from the Army - including more dangerous assignments in Iraq - are described only as John Does 1 through 7.

Aside from the shared expectation that they would have gone home by now, these soldiers' situations could not be more varied, as interviews with their families made clear.

One is a member of an Army band, ordered to travel Iraq this year performing music. Another is an Army reservist in a New Jersey transportation company with 18 years of service behind him. Another is an Arizona National Guardsman in his 20's, whose wife says he sounded subdued, even tearful, when she spoke to him in recent days on a phone line from Kuwait.

"The whole morale in his unit is on the floor," she said on the condition that she not be named, to avoid revealing her husband's identity.

Although Army officials said they could not comment on a lawsuit, particularly one they had not yet seen, they described the stop-loss policy, which was first instituted during the first Persian Gulf war more than a decade ago, as a crucial lesson learned in Vietnam, where troops were rotated out just as they had become acclimated to a treacherous environment.

"If someone next to you is new, it can be dangerous," said Lt. Col. Pamela Hart, an Army spokeswoman. "The bottom line of this is unit cohesion. This way, the units deploy together, train together, fight together and come home together."

Some soldiers like Mr. Qualls, though, say they wonder if the rule is not just another way to keep troop numbers high, particularly at a time when the military has been stretched thin and the number of troops in Iraq is expected to rise still more, to 150,000, in the coming weeks.

In recent months, at any given moment, the stop-loss policy has affected about 7,000 soldiers who had been planning to retire, leave the military or move to a different military job. The rule affects soldiers whose enlistments are scheduled to end within 90 days before their unit is deployed, those already deployed, and those whose term would end up to 90 days after their unit returns. On Friday, Army officials said they did not know the total number who had been affected so far. No date has been announced to end the policy.

Jules Lobel, a lawyer for one of the eight soldiers, described the central complaint this way: They were fraudulently induced to sign up, Mr. Lobel said, because nothing in their enlistment contract mentioned that they might be involuntarily kept on.

But experts not involved in the case say the government has generally been granted broad legal authority when it comes to the obligations of soldiers in matters of national security and times of conflict.

"The courts have traditionally ceded to the military," said Gary D. Solis, who teaches law at the United States Military Academy at West Point. "Even if the gents win at the trial level, the government is not going to quit. They cannot afford to. There is a potential cascade effect here."

Phillip Carter, a former Army captain and an expert in military and legal issues, said: "Rarely have we seen people win such cases. At best, this is symbolic protest."

The soldiers and their families, however, say they do not see it that way. Their hopes are far more practical. They want to go home.

Mr. Qualls was one of the first soldiers to find Mr. Lobel and Staughton Lynd, another lawyer now working with the Center for Constitutional Rights on the case and whose antiwar activities date to the Vietnam era. As Mr. Qualls wandered the Internet one day in Iraq, he said, he came across news reports of a National Guardsman in California who this summer had become the first to challenge stop-loss in court.

Mr. Qualls said he immediately began sending e-mail messages that guardsman's lawyer, Michael S. Sorgen, and was eventually referred to Mr. Lynd and Mr. Lobel, who were separately beginning to hear from other soldiers who had found them in recent weeks in a variety of ways.

Some of the soldiers e-mailed or called the National Lawyers Guild Military Law Task Force or the G. I. Rights hot line and were referred to the lawyers, Mr. Lynd said. The wife of one soldier said she handled all the research for his case herself, studying his enlistment contract and newspaper clippings and finally coming across Mr. Lynd's name. And a 54-year-old mother from Long Island said she began making calls on her son's behalf, first to her representatives in Congress and later to anyone she could find.

"My son," she said, "is not someone afraid to follow orders and fulfill his obligation. He's a very compliant soldier, but he feels like he's being stabbed in the back."

One soldier's wife, from New York City, said she received an e-mail message from Military Families Speak Out, an antiwar group, about the possibility of a lawsuit, and urged her husband to be part of it.

Asked whether antiwar forces were instigating this lawsuit, Mr. Lobel, who like his co-counsel describes himself as openly opposed to the war in Iraq, laughed and said no. The soldiers and their families came on their own, he said.

"They were desperately looking for some way to solve their situations, and it looks like most of the people they found who were trying to counsel or represent people in their situation were antiwar people," Mr. Lobel said. "But to me, the most interesting aspect of this whole thing is that it's not a question of antiwar or pro-war. It's not a question of red states or blue states. This stop-loss question is just about fairness."

As part of a rest-and-relaxation leave allowed some soldiers, Mr. Qualls arrived at his modest Morrilton home just in time for Thanksgiving supper with his wife, Cheryl, and their daughter, Kelly.

Seated at his computer on Friday, he fiddled with a pen as he pondered whether he might face retribution for taking legal action, something he says he told his unit commanders nothing about before he left. He said his family had struggled financially and emotionally with him gone, and he has to put them first now.

"The other thing," Mr. Qualls said, "is you've got thousands of people over there in the same situation as me and somebody's got to do something. Why not have it be me? I can't worry about what people will say."

Mr. Qualls is due back at his radio post on a base north of Baghdad this coming weekend. He said he hoped a judge would issue a temporary restraining order and allow him to stay home. But if he loses, he said, he will get on that plane.

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How to Sell a Candidate to a Porsche-Driving, Leno-Loving Nascar Fan

The New York Times
December 6, 2004

How to Sell a Candidate to a Porsche-Driving, Leno-Loving Nascar Fan
By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE

WASHINGTON, Dec. 5 - After the 2000 presidential campaign, strategists for President Bush came to a startling realization: Democrats watch more television than Republicans. So by buying millions of dollars' worth of television advertising time, Republicans were spending their money on audiences that tended to vote Democratic.

What to do? With the luxury of four years until the next election, the Bush team examined voters' television-viewing habits and cross-referenced them with surveys of voters' political and lifestyle preferences.

This led to an unusual step for a presidential campaign: it cut the proportion of money that it put into broadcast television and diverted more to niche cable channels and radio, where it could more precisely reach its target audience.

While advertisers of commercial products have been heading to cable for years, presidential campaigns have generally relied on the reach of broadcast television to try to influence the widest possible audience.

But the Bush team's micro-target strategy could change all that, making an enormous difference to cable channels and networks as they vie for the escalating amount of money in politics. Candidates, political parties and independent groups at all levels of government spent at least $1.6 billion on television commercials this year, more than double the $771 million they spent in 2000, according to the nonpartisan Alliance for Better Campaigns. At least $600 million of this year's total went to the presidential election alone, more than twice the amount spent in 2000.

Kenneth M. Goldstein, director of the Wisconsin Advertising Project, which analyzes political advertising, said the Bush campaign's use of targeted data and its exploitation of cable was likely to be the beginning of a trend, particularly as advertisers pursue new ways of reaching consumers using technology like text-messaging and cellphones.

"We're talking very, very small effects, but we live in a time when small effects can be decisive," Mr. Goldstein said, citing Mr. Bush's 537-vote victory in Florida in 2000, which catapulted him into the Oval Office.

Donny Deutsch, the New York advertising guru, said that now, "the selling of a candidate is no different from the smart media buying for toothpaste and automobiles, especially as people fragment their media habits."

As the Bush team analyzed the data, stark differences between the viewing habits of Republicans and Democrats quickly emerged. The channels with the highest proportion of Democrats were Court TV and the Game Show Network; for Republicans, Speedvision and the Golf Channel.

During the week, Republicans switch off the tube earlier than Democrats do. (Republicans who stay up are more likely to tune in to Jay Leno, while Democrats flock to David Letterman.) Such revelations persuaded the Bush team to alter its media-buying strategy. In 2000, the campaign spent 95 percent of its media budget on network television; this year, that dropped to 70 percent.

The campaign spent no money on national cable channels in 2000; this year it spent $20 million. It spent very little on radio in 2000; this year it spent $12 million, much of it going to religious, talk and country music programming.

"This year, we reached a wider audience of potential Republicans than we did in 2000," said Matthew Dowd, a top strategist for Mr. Bush's re-election campaign.

Democratic strategists working for Senator John Kerry's presidential campaign said they had much the same consumer data as the Bush team, but they stuck largely with broadcast television because that was where their viewers were.

"You're tying one hand behind your back if you're not using the most sophisticated tools possible," said Mark Mellman, a top polling and media strategist for Mr. Kerry.

The additional money in this election allowed the Republicans to experiment with a different media mix and to apply techniques used by advertisers of consumer products.

"Politics is a mass product: 50 percent of American adults 'consume' the election," said Will Feltus, senior vice president for research and planning of National Media Inc., which bought media time for Mr. Bush's re-election campaign.

The most alarming realization for the Bush team, he said, was learning that Democrats watch more television. "It's like Coke finding out that they can't get to their consumers on television as easily as Pepsi can," Mr. Feltus said.

The Republicans' data, compiled by Scarborough Research, a leading market research firm, showed that nationally, Democratic voters were 15 percent more likely on average to be watching television than Republican voters. The research did not investigate the reasons for the lopsided viewing, but some analysts surmised that it had to do with Republicans not trusting the broadcast networks and with more programming being aimed at women, who tend to vote Democratic.

Mr. Feltus said that the Bush campaign, which began analyzing the data shortly after Mr. Bush took office in 2001, ran test projects in 2002 in the Senate race in Texas and in a Colorado Congressional race. The data in Colorado revealed, among other things, which roads Republicans drove as they commuted to work, helping the Republicans determine where to place billboards.

This year, before the Democrats had even selected a presidential candidate, the Bush strategists were considering advertising in movie theaters and health clubs. The data showed that Democrats were more likely to go to the movies than Republicans, so they dropped that idea. But it also showed that health clubs were a good way to reach Republicans and swing voters ages 18 to 34. So the campaign bought time on a cable channel that goes into health clubs across the country. It had reams of data that were not of immediate practical value but that helped the campaign understand its voters: for example, Porsche owners were more likely to be Republican; Volvo owners, Democratic.

Evan Tracey, who analyzes political television advertising for the Campaign Media Analysis Group, said the Bush campaign helped solidify its base of Republicans early with targeted cable commercials. These commercials, he said, were filled with "images of people saying grace and talking about faith and being optimistic about America, but there was also a lot of negative on Kerry."

The Democrats said they used similar data, with help from a new group called Media Vote, based in Los Angeles, but came to different conclusions about how to use it. They focused strictly on the battleground states, buying on local cable instead of national cable but still mainly relying on local broadcast programs.

The Republicans mostly bought on national cable channels instead of breaking down those purchases by market. This had unexpected benefits, like helping Mr. Bush in Hawaii, a reliably Democratic state that Republicans had not focused on. In October, Mr. Bush was suddenly running strong there, a result of his presence on national cable, Democrats said. That forced the Democrats to buy advertising time in Hawaii and route party notables to the state to try to counter Mr. Bush's gains.

The data also yielded unexpected insights. One of the shows most popular with Republicans, especially Republican women ages 18 to 34, turned out to be "Will & Grace," the sitcom about gay life in New York. As a result, while Mr. Bush was shoring up his conservative credentials by supporting a constitutional amendment against same-sex marriage, his advertising team was buying time on a program that celebrates gay culture.

The Bush team broadcast commercials 473 times on "Will & Grace" in markets across the country from Jan. 1 to Nov. 2, according to the Wisconsin project. (The Kerry campaign broadcast commercials 859 times on the show.)

Mr. Dowd said the campaign had not tailored its message to match the demographics of the "Will & Grace" audience or any other audience but rather wanted to reach more viewers who might vote Republican. Besides, he said, "people are interested in broad national messages."

Mr. Goldstein said Republicans did not customize their message because they had one basic point. "If your message is 'Kerry is bad,' you don't have to tailor it," he said.

The Democratic strategy was to focus on swing states and tailor the Kerry message to the market. In Pennsylvania, for example, the campaign ran commercials in Pittsburgh with workers talking about their jobs; in more liberal Philadelphia, it ran commercials with the actor Michael J. Fox, who has Parkinson's disease, talking about expanding embryonic stem cell research.

But such targeting did little to resolve the question of how much difference advertising makes in a presidential campaign, particularly when there is so much of it.

The real force of political advertising may be felt when it is absent.

Bradley Perseke, a Democratic strategist who bought the television time for Mr. Kerry, said that Mr. Bush's get-out-the-vote effort probably made more of a difference in the election than his advertising, although if one candidate had not advertised at all, that candidate surely would have lost.

Mr. Dowd of the Bush campaign agreed up to a point. "What is discussed in earned media is more important than what's on the paid media," he said of news versus advertising. "But if they are in concert and the message is consistent, it has a tremendous effect."

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Egypt and Israel Trade Prisoners, in Sign of Rising Cooperation

The New York Times
December 6, 2004

Egypt and Israel Trade Prisoners, in Sign of Rising Cooperation
By GREG MYRE

JERUSALEM, Dec. 5 - Egypt on Sunday released an Israeli convicted of spying, and Israel reciprocated by freeing six young Egyptian infiltrators in an exchange that reflected the expanding cooperation between the Middle East neighbors.

The deal settled two rather bizarre cases and highlighted continuing Israeli and Egyptian efforts to solve larger regional questions after several years of badly strained relations linked to the Palestinian uprising.

Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel and President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt spoke by telephone after the exchange and said they were looking forward to a strong working relationship, Mr. Sharon's office said.

The warm words and confidence-building gestures, so rare in the past four years of turmoil, have contributed to an improved regional atmosphere in recent weeks as all the major figures reassess their positions after the death of the Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat.

Egypt freed Azzam Azzam, an Israeli citizen in his 40's who belongs to the Druse sect, an offshoot of Islam. He was arrested in 1996 in Cairo, where he was a manager at a textile factory. He was accused of using invisible ink on women's underwear hidden in a suitcase to pass information to Israel about Egyptian factories. Israel and Mr. Azzam, who was serving a 15-year term, have always denied he was a spy, saying he was only a businessman.

Israel sent home six Egyptian students in their 20's who were detained shortly after they entered Israel four months ago, with knives and an air gun. The Israeli authorities contended that the students had intended to kidnap Israeli soldiers and seize a tank in an effort to assist Palestinians in their fight against Israel.

"Today the entire country is united in its joy over your coming home," Mr. Sharon told Mr. Azzam in a telephone conversation, according to the prime minister's office.

Mr. Sharon and Mr. Mubarak have a history of strained relations, but recently they have been talking on the phone with some regularity.

"I thanked him for his decision, and we both discussed the matter and spoke about deepening bilateral relations," Mr. Sharon said of his conversation with the Egyptian president. He went so far as to say he believed that they could "reach great achievements for future generations."

The Israeli leader also told Israeli security officials on Sunday to consider reducing the prison terms of some Palestinians.

The prisoner exchange was not announced in advance, but Israeli officials said the details were worked out on Wednesday during a visit by Egypt's foreign minister, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, and its intelligence chief, Omar Suleiman.

The day after their visit, Mr. Mubarak had uncharacteristically warm words for Mr. Sharon, saying that the Israeli leader was capable of advancing Middle East peace, and that the Palestinians should take advantage of that.

Israeli-Egyptian relations, never friendly despite a 1979 peace treaty, had been particularly cool since the Palestinian uprising began four years ago.

The catalyst for the improved ties has been regular consultations on Israel's plan to withdraw soldiers and settlers from the Gaza Strip next year.

Egypt has welcomed the opportunity to play a larger role as a mediator between the Israelis and Palestinians. In addition, Israel and Egypt share a common interest in establishing stability in Gaza after an Israeli withdrawal.

Israel has asked Egypt to make a greater effort to prevent weapons smuggling by Palestinians along the Gaza-Egypt border. The two sides are working on a plan to increase the number of Egyptian security forces on the border, which was limited by the 1979 treaty.

The Egyptians helped persuade the Palestinian factions to agree to a unilateral truce in the summer of 2003. Though the truce never took hold completely, Egypt has continued to serve as a broker among the various Palestinian groups.

Egypt also has urged the Palestinians to reform their security forces, and Mr. Mubarak spoke out last week to endorse Mahmoud Abbas, the pragmatist who is favored to win the Jan. 9 election to replace Mr. Arafat as leader of the Palestinian Authority.

The prisoner exchange signaled a victory for diplomacy despite two recent events that could have undermined those efforts.

On Nov. 19, an Israeli tank crew shot dead three Egyptian policemen who were mistaken for Palestinian militants along the Gaza-Egypt border. Shortly afterward, Mr. Sharon called and apologized to Mr. Mubarak.

On Oct. 7, unidentified bombers hit the Hilton Hotel in Taba, Egypt, which is just across the border from Israel and hugely popular with Israeli tourists. More than 30 people were killed, including about a dozen Israelis.

For years, tens of thousands of Israelis have taken beach holidays in Egypt along the Red Sea coast in the Sinai Peninsula. It was one of the few places in the Arab world where Israelis traveled in large numbers. The attack has driven Israeli tourists out of Sinai, but it has not set back relations at the government level.

After the Palestinian uprising began in September 2000, Israeli relations with Egypt worsened, with Egypt withdrawing its ambassador from Israel to protest Israeli military action against the Palestinians.

But Ron Prosor, the director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, told Israeli radio that he believed that the Egyptian ambassador could return soon.

On Sunday, the Egyptian students were sent back to Egypt, and shortly afterward Mr. Azzam entered Israel at the Taba border crossing.

"I believed, because the state of Israel takes care of its citizens," Mr. Azzam was quoted as saying by The Associated Press, indicating that he had not lost hope that he would be freed.

News of his release prompted a spontaneous party in his hometown, Mughar, a mountainside village in northern Israel, where residents set up a stage and sang and danced into the night.

At the time of his arrest, Mr. Azzam was working at a textile factory that was a partnership between Israelis and Egyptians. The Egyptian authorities accused him of working for the Mossad intelligence agency.

Israel has often refused to comment in cases regarding Israelis suspected of spying. But in Mr. Azzam's case, the government had said he was not a spy and had lobbied vigorously for his release.

Israel's health minister, Danny Naveh, who met with Mr. Azzam several times during his imprisonment, said he was kept in solitary confinement because the Egyptians were concerned that other prisoners might try to harm him.

In Cairo, the Egyptian news agency MENA said Mr. Azzam was freed after serving a considerable part of his prison term, which was about half.

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Wave of Violence by Iraqi Rebels Kills 80 in 3 Days

The New York Times
December 6, 2004

Wave of Violence by Iraqi Rebels Kills 80 in 3 Days
By ROBERT F. WORTH

BAGHDAD, Iraq, Dec. 5 - Militants surrounded a bus full of unarmed Iraqi contractors employed by American forces as they rode to work on Sunday morning and gunned down 17 of them. It was the latest in a series of increasingly brazen attacks that have left more than 80 people dead in the past three days and deepened the sense of growing mayhem here as the January elections approach.

The bus ambush in Tikrit, Saddam Hussein's hometown, also underscored the increasing risks faced by Iraqis who work for the American-led occupation and are singled out as collaborators. The ambush was part of an intensified insurgent campaign aimed at terrorizing Iraq's fledgling security forces and fomenting sectarian divisions that could undermine the elections or perhaps force a delay.

Since Friday, militants have detonated a car bomb in front of a Shiite mosque, singled out Shiite officers for slaughter in a police station attack, and killed 18 Kurdish militiamen.

Citing the deepening violence, more political leaders added their voices to a growing movement to delay the national and provincial elections now scheduled for Jan. 30. Leaders of Iraq's majority Shiite community have responded to earlier calls by insisting that the elections go forward as planned, and President Bush said Thursday that they must not be postponed.

But the political leaders who gathered in Baghdad on Sunday, mostly Sunni Arabs representing about 40 political parties and individuals, said that the insurgents' campaign of violence and intimidation made credible elections impossible for the moment, and that holding them in January would achieve an illegitimate result that could provoke further civil conflict.

"I warn the two sides that the situation is very serious," said Tawfik al-Yassri, a member of Iraq's interim parliament and a leader of the Iraqi National Coalition party. "It will be the first seed of civil war."

In the first attack on Sunday near Tikrit, 80 miles north of Baghdad, insurgents fired on a bus carrying Iraqi contractors on their way to work for the American military, killing 17 and wounding 20, said Capt. Bill Coppernoll, a spokesman for the First Infantry Division.

He said the attack began at 8:30 a.m., when a sedan overtook the bus and cut it off just before it stopped to let the contractors off. Several attackers leaped out of the sedan, another group in a second car drove alongside, and both groups opened fire on the bus with AK-47 rifles until they ran out of ammunition, then got back into their cars and fled, Captain Coppernoll said.

The contractors all worked on an American military program to gather and destroy the weapons storehouses that are found almost daily throughout Iraq, Captain Coppernoll said.

In a second attack, near the northern city of Bayji, a car packed with explosives drove into an Iraqi National Guard checkpoint and detonated about 9:30 a.m., Captain Coppernoll said. Immediately afterward, insurgents attacked the checkpoint with small-arms fire. Three national guardsmen were killed and 18 wounded, the captain said.

Also on Sunday, one Iraqi soldier was killed and four were wounded in Samarra, 60 miles north of the capital, when insurgents struck their combat patrol with rocket-propelled grenades and small-arms fire, Captain Coppernoll said.

Just south of Mosul, in northern Iraq, three Turkish truckers were killed when a bomb detonated near a military patrol they were traveling with, military officials said.

The slaughter of the Tikrit contractors on Sunday demonstrated the insurgents' renewed focus on terrorizing and intimidating anyone working with Americans. Iraq's newly formed police, army and national guard have been the main targets of that campaign, in a wave of violent attacks throughout the country that have ranged from armed assaults on military compounds to suicide attacks to beheadings and mutilations.

But during the past three days, the insurgents, believed to be mostly Sunni Arabs, have also made unmistakable efforts to foment ethnic and sectarian conflict by striking at Shiite Muslims and Kurds.

On Friday, a car bomb killed 18 people outside a Shiite mosque in Baghdad, mostly worshipers, heavily damaging the mosque. Almost simultaneously, several dozen militants attacked a police station elsewhere in the capital, killing 12 officers. All those killed were Shiite.

On Sunday, a Baghdad newspaper published an unusual statement purporting to be from Shiite seminary figures, deploring those two incidents and demanding an investigation. The authenticity of the statement could not be immediately confirmed.

On Saturday, a suicide bomber plowed into a bus full of Kurdish militiamen in Mosul, where tensions between the city's Arab and Kurdish populations runs high. At least 18 militiamen were killed.

Also on Saturday, fighting broke out in Latifiya, 25 miles south of Baghdad, between members of a newly formed Shiite militia and a group of Sunni militants who had been accused of killing Shiites on the road to the holy cities of Karbala and Najaf, The Washington Post reported Sunday. That clash left more than 20 fighters dead, The Post reported. American military officials said they knew nothing about the battle, as did a spokesman for Iraq's Interior Ministry.

Shiite leaders in southern Iraq have deeply resented the killings of Shiite security officers and religious pilgrims in the Sunni-dominated area around Latifiya, and last month they began organizing hundreds of young men into so-called Anger Brigades. The stated goal of the brigades has been to kill militant Sunni Arabs in the area around Latifiya in northern Babil Province, known as the Triangle of Death.

The specter of civil conflict also looms over the January elections. Some Sunni political figures at the conference in Baghdad on Sunday, held at the Babylon Hotel, warned that a January election could result in a significantly unbalanced result along sectarian lines, with many Sunni Arabs either boycotting the election or too frightened to go to the polls. Turnout is expected to be high, meanwhile, among Iraq's majority Shiites, and among the Kurds, who dominate in the north.

"A partial election will put the country into chaos," said Tariq al-Hashmi, the secretary general of the Iraqi Islamic Party. The party, one of the better-known Sunni groups, is considering boycotting the elections, Mr. Hashmi said.

At the conference, about 40 officials signed a petition calling for a postponement, and vowed to press their case with the United Nations, the Arab League, the State Department of the United States and other organizations.

A number of Iraq's most powerful political groups, including the party led by the interim prime minister, Ayad Allawi, and the two main Kurdish parties, joined a similar call on Nov. 26 to delay the elections. Since then, Kurdish officials have danced a fine line, suggesting that the earlier statement may have been a mistake.

But Iraq's most powerful Shiite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, quickly made clear that he opposed any delay. And on Thursday, Mr. Bush stated firmly that the elections should take place in January.

Another political development on Sunday pointed toward the possibility of an even more powerful electoral advantage for Iraq's Shiites in the first elections since the fall of Mr. Hussein. An effort led by Ayatollah Sistani to create a broad coalition of candidates dominated by Shiites has succeeded, said Hussein al-Shahristani, a spokesman for the committee that is coordinating the effort.

In recent weeks, the coalition had appeared to be fracturing, prompting Shiite leaders to fear that the rifts would allow other groups, like the secular party run by Dr. Allawi, to lure voters who would otherwise support the religious Shiites. The greatest threat to the coalition came from an unlikely renegade movement led by Ahmad Chalabi, the former exile who was once a favorite of the Pentagon, and Moktada al-Sadr, the militant cleric who set off two uprisings against the American occupation and the interim government.

But both Mr. Chalabi and Mr. Sadr have now agreed to join the coalition, Mr. Shahristani said. Mr. Sadr will nominate candidates rather than run for office. The coalition will not formally announce its candidates for the 275-seat National Assembly until Wednesday or Thursday, Mr. Shahristani said.

Abdul Razzaq al-Saeidy contributed reporting for this article.

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Sunday, December 05, 2004

Slow-Rolling Democracy in Ohio

consortiumnews.com

Slow-Rolling Democracy in Ohio

By Robert Parry
December 4, 2004

George W. Bush’s political allies appear to be slow-rolling a requested recount in Ohio, leaving so little time that even if widespread voting fraud is discovered, the finding will come too late to derail Bush’s second term.

Though balloting occurred on Nov. 2, more than a month ago, Ohio’s Republican Secretary of State Kenneth Blackwell still hasn’t certified an official vote, a move now expected on Monday, Dec. 6. Since Blackwell also has battled requests from third-party candidates for an expedited recount, a review of Ohio’s vote now won’t begin until Dec. 13, at the earliest, according to Blackwell’s office. [See Boston Globe, Dec. 1, 2004]

But the Dec. 13 date is the same day the electors of the Electoral College meet to formally select the President of the United States. So even if the recount uncovers enough fraud to reveal John Kerry as the rightful winner in Ohio, it would be too late to change that outcome.

Meanwhile, as Ohio’s official foot-dragging has gone on, Bush’s election-night lead has continued to shrink with the counting of overseas and provisional ballots. The Associated Press reported on Dec. 3 that its vote tally of Ohio’s 88 counties showed Kerry narrowing Bush’s lead to 119,000 votes from about 136,000 votes, leaving Bush with a 2 percent lead.

But Kerry also might stand to gain a substantial number of votes from a recount that would examine ballots thrown out by antiquated punch-card voting machines. They are used mostly in poor areas, especially African-American neighborhoods that are Democratic strongholds. Other voters, believing that Ohio’s electronic systems were susceptible to vote rigging, have sought audits to check for tampering.

Instead of embracing these examinations to resolve voter doubts, however, Secretary of State Blackwell and other Bush allies in Ohio have resisted the demands. Now, the clock is running out for any meaningful review. [Citizens demanding a full recount in Ohio scheduled a rally for Dec. 4 in the capital of Columbus Other protests are being organized in the days leading up to the Electoral College meetings on Dec. 13.]

Florida Echoes

In some ways, the United States is witnessing a repeat of Election 2000 where Bush first frustrated Al Gore’s demands for recounts in Florida and then had five Republicans on the U.S. Supreme Court block a recount ordered by the state Supreme Court. Finally, the five Republican justices in Washington required that a reorganized Florida recount be conducted in two hours, a clearly impossible task that handed the presidency to George W. Bush.

Placing national unity as a priority over democracy, the U.S. news media stepped in after Election 2000 to sweep away any lingering doubts about Bush’s legitimacy. The unity message was that the United States needed to put the contentious election in the past, even though Bush was the first popular-vote loser in more than a century to move into the White House.

This protection of Bush’s fragile legitimacy gained even greater momentum after the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks. The “united-we-stand” sentiment put the New York Times and other leading news organizations in a particular quandary in November 2001 when they completed an unofficial recount of Florida’s votes.

The recount discovered that if all legally cast votes had been counted, Al Gore would have won Florida regardless of what standard of “chad” was used. In other words, Gore was the rightfully elected President of the United States, not Bush.

To avert the predictable conservative outrage over the recount findings, the major national news outlets simply buried the “Gore-won” lead. Instead, they topped their stories with a bogus analysis that a recount would have left Bush as the rightful winner.

The analysis assumed, falsely, that so-called “overvotes,” where voters checked a candidate and wrote in the name, would not have been included in the recount. But the news organizations were erroneous in this assumption because the judge handling the Florida recount had ordered those votes tallied and almost certainly would have added them to the state’s total, since they were clearly legal under Florida law. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “So Bush Did Steal the White House.”]

Now, with Team Bush running out the clock in Ohio, one has to wonder what contortions the mainstream news media would put itself through if a belated recount – after Bush’s election is formalized – shows that Kerry should have won Ohio and thus the White House.

Robert Parry, who broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek, has written a new book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq.

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Networks Bar Church Ads That Welcome Gays

news.yahoo.com

Networks Bar Church Ads That Welcome Gays

By Sue Pleming

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Two leading U.S. television networks angered gay rights groups on Thursday by refusing to carry an ad by a church welcoming gays to their congregations, a message the networks found too controversial.

The United Church of Christ, a Protestant denomination which has about 1.3 million members, said the 30-second commercial was aimed at making gays feel included and they were disappointed by CBS and NBC's decision to reject it. Cable networks have accepted the ad.

In the ad, heavy-set bouncers stand behind a red velvet rope line outside a church and with bells chiming in the background, hand-holding gay couples are turned away.

"Jesus didn't turn people away. Neither do we," is the message of the ad.

The church's director of communications, Robert Chase, said the ad grew out of a two-year effort to welcome gays.

"There are countless persons who feel alienated, rejected or excluded from the church. What we are trying to say is, you are welcome here," he told ABC's "Good Morning America" show.

Chase said he was surprised the networks had turned down the ads, which ran in six test markets last spring in predominantly Republican states and drew no complaints.

"I think that one of the things we need to be concerned about is what has changed that would cause such a stir?" asked Chase.

KEY ELECTION ISSUE

The issue of gay unions was a key one in last month's election when millions voted against same-sex unions and backed President Bush who made opposition to gay marriage part of his election platform.

In a written statement to the church, CBS, a unit of Viacom, said the fact that the Bush administration had proposed a constitutional amendment to define marriage as a union between a man and a woman made the advertisement "unacceptable for broadcast."

NBC said the ad violated a long-standing policy of the network not to allow commercials that dealt with issues of public controversy. NBC is part of NBC Universal, which is 80 percent owned by General Electric Co. ., with the rest owned by Vivendi Universal .

The Human Rights Campaign and other leading gay rights groups denounced the networks. "It's a shameful censorship of diversity and understanding," said HRC's Seth Kilbourn.

The Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Discrimination said CBS, in particular, needed to answer for what the group said was a disturbing response to the ad.

"CBS saying that they wouldn't run it because the message conflicts with anti-gay legislation put forward by the White House does call into question their actions and business practices," said GLAAD spokesman Michael Young.

Lambda Legal, a group fighting for recognition of full civil rights of gays, called the decision surprising, particularly as these networks ran countless controversial ads during the presidential election campaign.

"I think it's appalling that two major networks have decided that a message of love and acceptance is in any way controversial," said Lambda senior counsel Heather Sawyer.

While gay groups criticized the decision, some churches who oppose gay unions applauded it.

Rev. Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky, called the ads "masterful propaganda" that should not be aired.

"We are all sinners, but we cannot remain in our sin and just bless a lifestyle by saying we accept it when the scriptures clearly condemn it (homosexuality) as sin," said Mohler.

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Red Ink


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"When in Rome . . . "


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Power over the weak


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Condi Rice: Meet the Cabinet


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Protecting our turf


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Protesters Demand Recount at Ohio Statehouse

news.yahoo.com

400 Demand Recount at Ohio Statehouse

By JOHN McCARTHY, Associated Press Writer

COLUMBUS, Ohio - About 400 protesters gathered outside the Statehouse on Saturday to support a recount of the presidential election in Ohio and call for an investigation into Election Day irregularities.



Speakers addressing the crowd alleged that many voters were the victims of a fraud in which votes intended for John Kerry were given to President Bush.

"I would like to welcome you to the Ukraine," said Susan Truitt, referring to the country where a new presidential runoff election was ordered after observers said the first one was rigged.

On Friday, a federal judge in Columbus ruled that a recount may proceed if two minority party candidates who sued for it can pay for it. Green and Libertarian party officials say they can.

A recount would likely not begin before Dec. 13, when Ohio's 20 electoral votes are officially counted.

Kerry would have won the presidency had he carried the state's 20 electoral votes. He conceded the day after the election, saying there were not enough provisional and other ballots to swing the results his way.

Bush won the state by about 119,000 votes, or 2 percentage points, according to an analysis of county board of elections results by The Associated Press.

Critics say Ohio's numbers are suspect because of several irregularities on election night. Those included disparities in the vote totals for different Democrats on the same ballot and the disqualification of more than 90,000 presidential votes on punch-card ballots because the choices could not be determined. A computer glitch on election night also recorded an extra 3,893 votes for Bush in one precinct in suburban Gahanna.

"There was no doubt in my mind that Kerry had enough votes. My fear was the votes would not be counted and that's been borne out," said Melissa Hedden, one of the protesters.

State and county election officials have said there were irregularities on Nov. 2, but no more than in any other election. They adamantly have denied there is any evidence of widespread wrongdoing.

The Kerry campaign has joined the lawsuit seeking a recount. Officials said they are not disputing the outcome of the race but want to make sure any recount is "done accurately and completely."

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Bush Downplays Thompson's Terror Worries

news.yahoo.com

Bush Downplays Thompson's Terror Worries

By JENNIFER LOVEN, AP White House Correspondent

WASHINGTON - President Bush (news - web sites) played down on Saturday a stark warning from his resigning health chief that the nation's food supply is largely unprotected from terror attack.

Bush said that the government is doing what it can to safeguard the public from threats, but much work remains.

"We're a large country, with all kinds of avenues where somebody could inflict harm," said Bush, asked about the issue after an Oval Office meeting with Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf. "We've made a lot of progress in protecting our country, and there's more work to be done, and this administration is committed to doing it."

Health and Human Services (news - web sites) Secretary Tommy Thompson said in a speech Friday announcing his coming departure from the Bush Cabinet that he worries "every single night" about a possible terror attack on the food supply.

Despite dramatic increases in inspections of food imports, only "a very minute amount" of food is tested at ports and airports, Thompson said.

"For the life of me, I cannot understand why the terrorists have not attacked our food supply because it is so easy to do," Thompson said. "We are importing a lot of food from the Middle East, and it would be easy to tamper with that."

Asked to respond to Thompson's comments, Bush neither criticized them nor implied that the food supply is safer than Thompson asserted.

Bush asked for Congress' help to boost domestic security, urging lawmakers to confirm quickly his choice to take over leadership of the Homeland Security Department. On Friday, Bush nominated former New York Police Chief Bernie Kerik to succeed Tom Ridge, who announced his resignation Tuesday from the department created to oversee the nation's protection from attack.

Of Kerik, Bush said, "I hope the Senate confirms him quickly so he can get to work."

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